The architecture of modern international law was built in the shadow of the Second World War, with a clear ambition: to constrain war, regulate violence, and preserve global order. Nearly eight decades later, that framework is under unprecedented strain.

A growing consensus among legal scholars holds that the concept of war itself has largely disappeared from international law, replaced by more technical constructs such as the prohibition of the use of force under Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter and the classification of armed conflicts under international humanitarian law (IHL). Yet this view may be both incomplete and dangerously complacent.

In reality, war has not disappeared—it has evolved. And international law is struggling to keep pace.

The Legal Framework: Designed for a Different Era

The cornerstone of modern international law remains the UN Charter. Article 2(4) prohibits the use of force, while Article 51 preserves the inherent right of self-defense “if an armed attack occurs.”

This framework was crafted with inter-state wars in mind. But contemporary conflicts increasingly unfold in a legal grey zone—where attribution is uncertain, actors are fragmented, and violence is calibrated to remain below traditional thresholds.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) attempted to clarify these thresholds in the landmark Nicaragua v United States judgment, distinguishing between the “most grave forms of the use of force” (armed attacks) and less severe violations. However, this distinction now appears increasingly ill-suited to modern realities.

Cyber operations, proxy warfare, and disinformation campaigns can inflict strategic harm without ever crossing the classical “armed attack” threshold.

Hybrid Warfare and the Crisis of Attribution

One of the most significant challenges facing international law today is attribution. In cyber warfare and proxy conflicts, states can operate through intermediaries, maintaining plausible deniability.

The ICJ addressed aspects of this problem in Bosnia and Herzegovina v Serbia and Montenegro, where it adopted a stringent “effective control” test for state responsibility. By contrast, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Tadić case proposed a more flexible “overall control” standard.

This divergence illustrates a deeper problem: international law lacks a coherent and adaptable framework for linking states to the actions of non-state actors. As a result, accountability is often elusive.

The Rise of “Below-Threshold” Conflict

Modern warfare increasingly operates through incremental, low-intensity actions—cyber intrusions, economic coercion, targeted strikes, and proxy engagements—that fall below the legal threshold required to trigger self-defense.

Scholars have responded by proposing doctrines such as the “accumulation of events” theory, whereby a series of minor attacks, taken together, may constitute an armed attack. While not formally codified, this approach has gained traction in state practice and academic debate.

Similarly, the idea of incremental escalation suggests that states should not be required to absorb sustained hybrid aggression before responding. Yet these evolving interpretations risk eroding the clarity—and restraint—that international law was designed to impose.

Occupation Without Presence

Technological advances are also reshaping the concept of territorial control. Traditional definitions of occupation, rooted in the Hague Regulations and the Geneva Conventions, assume physical presence—“boots on the ground.”

But what happens when control is exercised remotely?

Drones, surveillance systems, and AI-enabled targeting now allow states to exert influence without permanent deployment. This phenomenon—sometimes described as “remote” or “ghost” occupation—challenges the very foundations of occupation law.

Non-State Actors at the Center of Conflict

International humanitarian law was built around conflicts between states. Today, however, many of the most consequential actors are non-state groups—militias, insurgents, and transnational networks.

While Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol II attempt to regulate non-international armed conflicts, gaps remain significant. These actors often operate outside formal legal structures, complicating both compliance and enforcement.

Security Dilemmas and the Expansion of Self-Defense

Across regions, states increasingly invoke self-defense against threats that blur the line between war and peace. In the Middle East, Israel cites attacks by armed groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas to justify a broader reading of Article 51 of the UN Charter. In Europe, Ukraine has relied on collective self-defense following Russia’s invasion, reinforcing the centrality of Article 51. In Africa’s Sahel, states confront cross-border insurgencies, raising unresolved legal questions about the use of force against non-state actors in neighbouring territories. Similarly, Rwanda has pointed to armed groups operating across its borders as a source of ongoing insecurity. Yet the International Court of Justice, in Nicaragua v United States (1986), set a high threshold for what constitutes an “armed attack,” leaving many of these situations in legal ambiguity. Expanding self-defense without clear limits risks eroding the prohibition of force under Article 2(4).

Adaptation or Irrelevance

Not all scholars believe new treaties are required. Some argue that existing law can be adapted through interpretation and practice.

Soft law instruments—such as the Tallinn Manual—demonstrate how traditional principles of sovereignty, necessity, and proportionality can be applied to emerging domains like cyberspace.

Yet soft law lacks binding force. Without broader consensus, fragmentation may deepen.

Conclusion: A System at a Crossroads

International law stands at a critical juncture. Its foundational principles—distinction, proportionality, and necessity—remain indispensable. But the environment in which they operate has changed dramatically.

If the law does not adapt to the realities of hybrid warfare, technological transformation, and non-state actors, it risks becoming not only outdated but irrelevant. Worse still, it may provide a veneer of legality for actions that undermine the very order it seeks to uphold.

The challenge, therefore, is not to abandon international law, but to ensure that it evolves—carefully, coherently, and collectively—to meet the demands of modern warfare.

The question is beyond reasonable debate: societies that empower women to achieve their full potential will inevitably thrive. And that is not merely a political statement.

There is a strong correlation between women’s emancipation and a country’s level of social and economic development. So, how can we create and sustain the conditions for such a virtuous cycle?

This question was at the heart of the Global Women in Finance Leading Summit, a two-day event held in early September in Chicago.

Women leaders from the United States, Africa, and other parts of the world gathered to explore ways to accelerate progress by promoting wealth creation and fostering leadership across generations.

The summit was jointly hosted by the African Global Chamber of Commerce and Northeastern Illinois University, who framed women’s leadership as not merely a matter of equity—but as an economic imperative.

Indeed, enabling the flourishing of half of humanity is not a peripheral concern. But how exactly do we go about achieving it?

“Women must not wait to be invited into the room—they should own the room where economic decisions are made.”
— Dr. Olivier Kamanzi

Partnerships

Inclusion is not enough, argued Katherine Franklin, a money coach who opened the summit as moderator. Inclusion must translate into the creation of intergenerational wealth.

Access to finance, therefore, is crucial—and that point was clearly articulated by Dr. Katrina Bell Jordan, President of Northeastern Illinois University.

The value of partnerships between universities and industry, Dr. Bell said, cannot be overstated in any effort to shape the next generation of finance leaders.

She was thus pleased to announce the signing of a formal partnership between her institution and the African Global Chamber of Commerce.

But why does it matter—on a practical level—for women to stand prominently in society across all sectors?

“Women are pillars of local economies,” said Mayor Rohey Malick Lowe—the first female mayor of Banjul, The Gambia—who noted the uncomfortable reality that gender still too often plays a role in excluding women from decision-making circles.

So, how does one overcome such systemic hurdles?

Reverend Janette Wilson offered a clear call: solidarity. Breaking the grip of gender-based gatekeeping requires unified advocacy—and, she emphasised, there are no better advocates for gender balance than women themselves.

As Commissioner Donna Miller of Cook County told the summit, women’s advocacy has the power to reshape budget priorities.

In Africa, where gender disparities can be particularly stark, the issue can sometimes feel overwhelming to those working tirelessly on the ground to effect change. Striking a balance is essential—and rhetoric, however well-intentioned, can at times become a hindrance.

That’s why Ambassador Rama Yade, in her keynote message, chose a different lens. She reframed African women not as survivors, but as builders.

They are not merely enduring hardship; they are actively constructing futures. They can rightfully claim the legacies of leaders like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as their own.

Moreover, presidential corridors and global finance boardrooms are not the only places where these builders are found.

One such builder stood firmly at the centre stage during the summit: Professor Florence Muranga.

As Director General of the Banana Industrial Research and Development Center (BIRDC) in Uganda, Prof Muranga led the successful development and introduction of the African Green Banana Tooke—value-added banana products—into the American market.

To ensure continued access for Tooke products in the U.S., her company signed a trade agreement with the African Global Chamber of Commerce—further reinforcing Katherine Franklin’s opening message: partnerships are key. They are the catalysts for progress. They are the bridges to broader impact.

“Our stories heal us, but they also guide communities.”
— Professor Janine

Is the Future Feminist?

According to Mayor Rohey Malick Lowe of Banjul, the answer is yes—“the future is feminist.” As she explained, this framing is more inclusive and strategic than the often-used phrase “the future is female.”

But beyond semantics, something must shift. Concrete action is needed to dismantle the structures that continue to limit women’s full participation in economic life.

Key areas for action include:

• Challenging cultural norms that systematically exclude women

• Expanding access to capital and credit, particularly for women entrepreneurs

• Strengthening intergenerational knowledge transfer to preserve and build on progress

• Shifting perceptions of finance as a male-dominated domain

• Overcoming family resistance to women’s autonomy and independence

Excellence

Above all, Chicago was a celebration—a moment to recognise and honour a cohort of women who lead the field as visionary builders. Their achievements reflect the summit’s core mission:

To build bridges across continents, unlock new opportunities, and empower women to lead with purpose and impact.

The highlight of this celebration was the Global Woman in Finance Leadership Award ceremony, which crowned 14 laureates. According to organiser Dr. Olivier Kamanzi, the women who stepped up to the podium exemplified leadership and mentorship with tangible, measurable impact.

“The Annual Awards recognise exceptional women in finance who demonstrate exemplary leadership and are actively committed to empowering and mentoring other women and young people,” Dr. Kamanzi told The Gazette.

What drives his commitment to the summit and its growing momentum?

“Most women operate in the informal sector and lack access to capital,” he said. “We wanted to bring together successful women and those seeking support—to connect them and create a platform where women can secure the financial tools and mentoring they deserve.”

“When women lead, communities thrive; when women are empowered financially, nations prosper.”
—Dr. Olivier Kamanzi

Roll Of Honour

Among the 2024 laureates celebrated for their outstanding contributions to finance, leadership, and mentorship were:

• Ambassador Rama Yade, Senior Director, Atlantic Council’s Africa Center

• Jackie Taylor, Founder, Black Ensemble Theatre

• Eliza Prendzov, CEO, Prend Capital; President, American Balkan Chamber of Commerce

• Henrietta Wamala, RHIA, Edward Elmhurst Health

• Karen Riva Levinson, Founder, KRL International

• Professor Jeanine Ntihirageza, Department Chair, Northeastern Illinois University

• Agnes Kitumba Netunze, CEO, Arize Kollections Limited

• Courtney Francis, Co-ordinator, African and African American Studies Program, Northeastern Illinois University

• Sheila Dantzler Rugege, Real Estate Broker, Jameson Sotheby’s International Realty

• Stella Kilonzo, Principal Consultant, Development Banking & Capital Markets Executive

• Yasmeen Bankole, Former Regional Director, Office of U.S. Senator Dick Durbin

• Lydia Abana, Executive Assistant to the Chairman, Africa Global Chamber of Commerce (AGCC)

• Sophie Mukasa, Director of Operations, Programmes, and Events, Africa Global Chamber of Commerce (AGCC)

Together, these women represent the power of leadership, the strength of networks, and the future of inclusive finance.

When Alfred Nobel envisioned the Peace Prize, he sought to reward those who had “done the most or the best work for fraternity between nations.” Over the decades, the prize has been bestowed upon leaders for aspirations as much as for achievements. Yet if peace is to be measured by tangible results—agreements signed, wars halted, and hostilities reduced—then Donald J. Trump’s record demands serious consideration.

While he remains a polarizing figure at home, Trump’s presidency and post-presidency have been marked by an ambitious and unconventional brand of diplomacy that has brought adversaries to the negotiating table and, in some cases, to peace deals that once seemed unimaginable.

A History of Aspirational Awards

The Nobel Committee has often awarded the prize in anticipation of peace rather than its consolidation.

• Barack Obama (2009) received it mere months into office, primarily for his hopeful vision of global diplomacy and nuclear disarmament—long before any concrete peace had been achieved.
• Woodrow Wilson (1919) was honored for founding the League of Nations, which the U.S. never joined and which later failed to prevent global conflict.
• Arafat, Peres, and Rabin (1994) were recognized for the Oslo Accords, a breakthrough that raised hope but failed to deliver lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians.

If those awards celebrated possibility and rhetoric, then fairness demands acknowledgment of Trump’s results—agreements inked, guns silenced, and regional dialogues reopened.

Trump’s Tangible Peace Record

Far from symbolic gestures, Trump’s diplomatic initiatives produced signed agreements and ceasefires across multiple continents:

• The Abraham Accords (2020): A historic normalization of relations between Israel and the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan—bringing direct flights, trade, and diplomatic missions where enmity once reigned.
• Rwanda–DRC (June 27, 2025): Trump’s mediation led to the Washington Accord, which aimed to secure troop withdrawals, establish a joint security mechanism, and create a regional economic integration framework to help ease tensions in eastern DRC.
• India–Pakistan (May 10, 2025): Amid rising border hostilities, Trump’s team facilitated a ceasefire announcement that halted skirmishes between two nuclear-armed neighbors, preventing a dangerous escalation.
• Armenia–Azerbaijan (August 8, 2025): Hosted at the White House, Trump’s summit produced a U.S.-brokered peace agreement ending years of conflict, recognizing territorial integrity, and launching a roadmap for normalization.
• North Korea Engagement (2018–2020): Through unprecedented meetings with Kim Jong-un, Trump opened dialogue and de-escalated nuclear tensions that had reached crisis levels.
• The Trump Gaza Peace and Reconstruction Plan (2025): Announced in September, this initiative proposes a demilitarized Gaza under joint Arab League and UN oversight, massive humanitarian aid, and phased reconstruction linked to the release of hostages and cessation of hostilities. If implemented, it could be the most practical and comprehensive roadmap for Gaza since the Oslo process.

It’s worth noting that President Trump remains one of the few American presidents who never launched a war while in office, and notably sought to bring an end to the three-year Russia-Ukraine conflict.

With just months to go before the presidential election, Congo’s opposition denounces a biased and “criminogenic” process. Faced with Denis Sassou-Nguesso’s determination to cling to power, the question is no longer only who will run, but whether the election can truly embody a democratic choice.

A Declared Will to Unite Forces

On June 1, 2025, eight opposition parties — including Clément Miérassa’s PSDC and Jean-Jacques Serge Yhomby-Opango’s RDD — announced the creation of the Rally of Forces for Change (RFC). This new platform aims to pool resources and put forward a single candidate capable of challenging the incumbent president.

Back in January, the RDD had already called for a collective surge, stressing the urgency of a common project and a shared roadmap to restore the opposition’s credibility.

A Climate of Distrust

During a recent debate featuring Lucien Pambou, Guy Mafimba, and Gombo (the G3M panel), participants voiced deep concerns about the electoral process.

For Lucien Pambou, the electoral calendar itself harbors the seeds of violence and fraud:

“March 2026 is a criminogenic agenda. It undeniably contains the germs of violence and cheating. What can be done?”

Guy Mafimba believes Denis Sassou-Nguesso is merely seeking to stage-manage competition:

“Sassou is looking for a sparring partner to organize a sham election.”

Gombo echoed this view, denouncing “a regime that manufactures convenient opponents to legitimize an election whose outcome is already decided.”

Persistent Obstacles

Despite the momentum sparked by the RFC, Congo’s opposition remains weakened by internal divisions, lack of resources, and what many see as an uneven playing field. The institutional and security dominance of Sassou-Nguesso’s regime, reinforced by successive constitutional changes, remains a formidable challenge.

Added to this is a long history of mistrust among opposition figures themselves, making the prospect of a single candidate still uncertain.

A Crucial Democratic Test

The 2026 presidential election will be a defining moment for Congo-Brazzaville’s political future. Between the desire for renewal expressed by part of civil society and the entrenched power of a long-standing regime, the stakes are high.

Whether the opposition can overcome its divisions and offer a credible alternative will be key in determining if the country can avoid yet another disputed and tension-ridden election.

Background: Sassou-Nguesso’s Long Rule

Denis Sassou-Nguesso first came to power in 1979, serving as president until 1992 when he lost the country’s first multiparty election. He returned to power in 1997 after a civil war and has remained in office ever since. Now in his 80s, he is one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders.

Over the years, Sassou-Nguesso has organized multiple elections — including those in 2002, 2009, 2016, and 2021 — each marred by accusations of fraud, intimidation, and lack of transparency. Constitutional amendments, notably the 2015 referendum, allowed him to bypass age and term limits, consolidating his grip on power.

International observers and human rights groups have frequently questioned the fairness of these polls, pointing to restrictions on opposition candidates, limits on press freedom, and the dominance of state institutions by the ruling Congolese Labour Party (PCT).

As the country heads toward 2026, Congo-Brazzaville’s political landscape remains defined by the same figure who has shaped it for nearly half a century.

Timeline: Denis Sassou-Nguesso in Power

• 1979 – Becomes president of Congo-Brazzaville.

• 1992 – Defeated in the country’s first multiparty election.

• 1997 – Returns to power after a civil war.

• 2002 – Wins presidential election amid allegations of fraud.

• 2009 – Re-elected in another contested vote.

• 2015 – Constitutional referendum removes term and age limits.

• 2016 – Wins re-election, opposition denounces widespread irregularities.

• 2021 – Secures another term at age 77, boycotted by major opposition figures.

• 2026 – Prepares to run again, facing a fragmented but mobilizing opposition

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A video falsely attributed to the BBC, circulating on WhatsApp, depicts a deepfake of U.S. President Donald Trump allegedly endorsing M23 rebel leader Corneille Nangaa and the group’s plan to march on Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

The video claims Trump made these remarks during a meeting with U.S. governors, announcing on Nangaa’s behalf that M23 would reach Kinshasa by June. However, an investigation by the African Gazette has confirmed the video is entirely fabricated.

Key Findings

• Deepfake Indicators: The video bears clear signs of manipulation, including mismatched fonts and logos inconsistent with BBC standards. The robotic audio tone further highlights its inauthenticity.

• No Media Coverage: Neither U.S. media outlets (including the extensive VOA language services) nor BBC platforms reported any such statement by Trump, which would have been widely covered if true.

• Official Records: Our review of the referenced Governor’s Working Session on 21 February 2025 found no mention of the DRC or M23 rebels.

Context

The M23 rebel group, active since 2012, has resurged in recent years under its military commander Sultani Makenga and political leader Corneille Nangaa.

The group has captured key territories in eastern DRC and is threatening to advance on Kinshasa.

The fake video praises Nangaa as a symbol of courage, attempting to legitimise M23’s actions amid heightened tensions between DRC and Rwanda, which Kinshasa accuses of backing the rebels.

Deepfake Analysis

The video’s attempt to mimic BBC News fails due to poor graphic design and the absence of BBC’s “Content Credentials” metadata system, which verifies authentic content.

Additionally, the inclusion of Fox News branding mid-video further undermines its credibility.

Experts identified typical deepfake traits such as inconsistent visuals and AI-generated audio.

The content was cross-checked against official sources, confirming it as disinformation.

Bottom Line

Donald Trump did not endorse M23 or its leader Corneille Nangaa. Nangaa remains under U.S. sanctions for undermining democracy and collaborating with M23 rebels.

Current U.S. policy opposes M23’s activities, making the claims in the deepfake video baseless and misleading.

“If you haven’t read hundreds of books, learning from others who went before you, you are functionally illiterate—you can’t coach and you can’t lead.” These are the words of United States Retired Marine Corps General James Mattis. An unyielding pronouncement on many people I happen to know.

Among us Africans, there’s a well-known joke of this variance: “If you want to hide something from [Africans], all you have to do is hide it in a book.”
It’s too sweeping to be universally true. But as a joke, it’s a self-deprecating one, and it underlines a mindset that has no place in 2025.

The world is changing at a rapid pace. Artificial Intelligence is here to stay, and it is disrupting industries as we know them—AI is taking over many jobs human beings were paid to do.

To outpace the machine, we Africans—especially the African youth—have a long way to go in seeking knowledge and applying it through the development of skills. Venturing beyond the classroom into the depths of books is a call we can’t afford to ignore.

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To put things in perspective, the post-colonial generations are ageing. The knowledge and skills that once worked for them are no longer up to date—they are out of touch with current times.

The only way for us to remain relevant, at home and on the world stage, is to make an unwavering commitment to reading books. For books introduce us to new ideas.

And new ideas give us different mindsets; they expose us to diverse perspectives, which—in turn—help us make better decisions for better outcomes.

The alternative to books is direct experience. But we only have one lifetime. Besides the fact that direct experience may be costly, we simply do not have enough time to reinvent the wheel as often as needed. This leaves reading as a practical necessity.

Books prevent us from learning the hard way through mistakes we could have avoided; they help us learn at minimal cost from the wealth of human experiences—from both the living and the dead.

“Books, in all their variety,” Winston Churchill once said, “offer the human intellect the means by which civilisation may be carried triumphantly forward.”
Churchill knew what he was talking about.

When King George VI gave his royal assent to form a government amid the war, Winston Churchill was 65 and had been written off due to political and military failures.

He could have focused on his dismal circumstances and sabotaged himself. But Churchill had been a devoted reader. Beyond his own record, the new PM could draw from ideas, perspectives, and experiences he had gleaned from a million pages.

ALSO FROM CLAIRE

Books made Winston Churchill the right person at the right time when his country was in dire need of an inspirational leader. Books served the British wartime Prime Minister well.

We may be no Churchill, and our circumstances may have nothing in common with leading a country through a Nazi blitzkrieg. But the principle remains—reading is formative, it’s character-building, it shapes destinies.

So, though every up-and-coming African leader may face a multitude of challenges, they can confidently rely on the knowledge that a commitment to reading will make them the right person at the right time, in the next chapter of Africa’s development. Provided they allow no excuses.

Personally, I am a super busy working mom of three young kids under seven. I have committed to reading 12 books a year. Not really a daunting challenge—the current state of technology presents us with multiple ways of reading books.

I consume audiobooks while doing house chores or driving around. And that’s me. You can come up with your own innovative ways to read books.

At any rate, this is the bottom line—there is no excuse for being functionally illiterate. “You will be the same person in five years except for the people you meet and the books you read,” Charlie Jones tells us.

And there is in Jones’s words a practical piece of advice that you would do well to take to heart.

2025 is an electoral year in Côte d'Ivoire: unless there’s any unforeseen, major disruption, voters will head to the polls on 25 October for the first round of the presidential election.

In the lead-up to this crucial event, a contentious decision by the country’s Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) is now threatening to destabilise the entire process.

The issue at hand is clear: the CEI has announced that the revision of the electoral roll—a critical step to ensure a fair and credible vote—will not take place before the election, but only after. Of course, a revision after election day defeats its very purpose.

Understandably, the move by the CEI has sparked widespread alarm. It raises serious questions about the transparency and inclusivity of the upcoming poll, heightening fears of sociopolitical unrest.

Exclusion

The revision of the electoral roll is not a mere formality; it is the backbone of any democratic election. It ensures that new voters are registered, and it purges the electoral databases of any deceased or ineligible individuals.

If the CEI presses ahead with its plans—denying a timely update of the register—the presidential election would exclude significant portions of the electorate.

The many at risk of disenfranchisement include young voters. Citizens who turn 18 after the last revision in late 2024 will be denied their right to vote.

Also, those who have moved to new areas will be unable to cast their ballots in their current polling districts. And what about voters with errors in their records?Without corrections, they may find themselves barred from casting their ballots.

As it happens, the CEI's decision is bound to result in exclusion, undermining the very principle of electoral fairness. And this is the trouble:

A democracy cannot function when a substantial segment of its population is denied the right to choose its leaders, which is why the CEI’s decision faces strong resistance.

The Opposition and civil society groups have been quick to condemn it, calling it a deliberate attempt to manipulate the electoral process.

As many have rightly argued, an outdated electoral roll not only casts doubt on the credibility of the election, but also sets the stage for disputes over the results. And the related risks are serious.

An unrevised voters’ roll could include duplicate entries, fictitious voters, and even the names of deceased individuals. That would create opportunities for rigging the vote.

If a significant portion of the electorate feels excluded, the next president could face immediate challenges to their mandate, weakening their authority from day one. Then, there’s the prospect of violence and instability.

Côte d'Ivoire’s recent history is a stark reminder of how disputed elections can spiral into post-electoral violence, with devastating consequences for the nation.

Already, some political parties are threatening to boycott the election, while grassroots movements are mobilising to demand an exceptional revision of the register before election day.

Accountability

The commission’s decision to delay the revision of the electoral roll is a dangerous gamble that could plunge the country into chaos.

But a post-election crisis is not an inevitability. To avert it, the CEI and the Ivorian government must act swiftly to make things right.

Organising an exceptional revision before October 2025 is not just a technical necessity—it is a moral imperative to safeguard the integrity of the election.

The international community, which has a vested interest in the stability of Côte d'Ivoire, should also step in. Diplomatic pressure and mediation could help steer the country away from the brink of disaster.

At any rate, every election in Côte d'Ivoire is a test of the nation’s democratic resilience. The 2025 vote is no exception.

By ignoring calls for an updated electoral roll, the CEI and the government risk repeating the mistakes of the past, potentially plunging the country into another cycle of uncertainty and violence.

The stakes could not be higher. So, for the sake of its democracy and stability, Côte d'Ivoire must ensure that the voice of every citizen is heard—and that begins with a credible and inclusive electoral register.

About The Author

Fabien K. Beugré is the founder of Groupe de recherche Côte d’Ivoire 2.0, a think tank focused on governance and democratic processes. A former Head of Africa Commodities Sales at Barclays London, he combines business development expertise with political insight. Beugré advocates for transparent, inclusive governance in Côte d'Ivoire.

A blindsiding. Yes. Because it’s one of these naughty upsets that Silicon Valley didn’t see coming. In what has been dubbed The AI Cold War, America appeared to be dominating the game, head and shoulders.

America has Nvidia, the presumptive tech leader in the field of AI and machine learning. With its advanced graphics processing units, generative AI chips, supercomputers, and all-inclusive algorithms and platforms for AI modelling, Nvidia has been a darling, more so for the stock markets.

And whatever blessing the company’s brought to America, Uncle Sam wanted to limit who could fully benefit from it.

In October 2022, the U.S. Department of Commerce implemented strict export controls to prevent China from obtaining high-end AI chips, as well as other semiconductor technologies with potential military applications.

While the A800 and H800 chips allow Nvidia to continue doing business in China, the company cannot sell its most advanced technology, potentially giving competitors an opportunity to fill the gap. And that’s where the DeepSeek phenomenon comes in.

The new player burst into the world of artificial intelligence only in recent months, hitting the US app stores earlier last week.

It’s now making waves, not only for its technological prowess but also for its potential to further bridge the digital divide between West and South. But what exactly is DeepSeek, and why is it causing such a stir?

Scrappy Upstart

If you must believe one opinion writer for The New York Times, DeepSeek is a new AI chatbot from a "scrappy Chinese upstart". Meaning that it boasts nothing of the glamour associated with NVIDIA-powered platforms.

On paper, it was not supposed to play in the same league as Silicon Valley big whales like OpenAI's ChatGPT or Google's Gemini from the DeepMind project.

DeepSeek was launched in 2023 by a little-known computer engineering graduate, Liang Wenfeng. It is "owned and solely funded" by Chinese hedge fund High-Flyer, based in Hangzhou, Eastern China. As it is, DeepSeek is not open for public trading—you can't buy shares. At least, for now.

Sole ownership. Not impressive. But scrappy? For sure, that's not the best word for a compliment. But it's not necessarily a slight.

It is for shock purpose—the irony of something this wonderful coming from a place of such little resource. Yes, DeepSeek is really peculiar. Worthy of the curiosity, the attention.

Unlike traditional AI systems, it is built with a focus on adaptability and lean cost—affordable, accessible. That makes it a standout in the crowded AI landscape with its lofty pricing tiers.

We've tested it. It's not everything. And DeepSeek is honest about it. Try it with any technical query, and it's a breeze. But it would not indulge you on queries that solicit the usual Western narratives about China. It goes mute on Tiananmen Square, for example. Smart—it won't bite the hand that feeds it.

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Not unlike Google's Gemini, which bugs on queries with keywords that trigger its suspicion filters. Even "Kennedy" causes Gemini to clam up. You get this type of selective sensitivity on issues that are taboo to China.

But take DeepSeek down the oceans and it goes with you. Up the mountains, and it obliges. Query it about interstellar space, and it spits out a treat for your enjoyment.

And as I learned, DeepSeek's unique algorithms are tailored to address complex problems whilst soliciting a minimum of resources.

Its capabilities range from predictive analytics and natural language processing to machine learning models that can be customised for local contexts.

This flexibility is not why it's such an upset. Ironically, it's because it does so as effectively as those American AI giants.

But what truly sets it apart is its commitment to localisation. Whether it's analysing agricultural data in Swahili or diagnosing diseases in remote clinics, DeepSeek is engineered to serve the underserved.

This formidable "beast from the east" seems to have arrived with an unstated vengeance—handling inclusivity as never seen before, a strong selling point for the expansive markets of the Global South.

Decolonising AI

No, decolonisation in 2024 isn't about some European colonial power telling some natives in territorial possession that they are now independent.

These days, decolonisation is the process of reclaiming agency and reducing dependency on foreign powers with imperialistic instincts and expectations that you meet them on their own rigid terms. How you think, what you value and abhor, the price you must pay... all must be adjusted for fit.

In the context of AI, this comes mainly in the form of linguistic exclusion. Cultural and perspective, as well. AI therefore threatens to become a great standardisation machine. The user trades away a bit of themselves for access.

And it's in this sense that DeepSeek arrives, leading the charge for the decolonisation of AI. It's just a start, of course. But this is how it's significant.

First, DeepSeek's pricing model is designed to suit the budgets of governments, businesses and individuals in developing countries. This makes it accessible to a broader audience, unlike the high-cost solutions offered by Silicon Valley companies.

Then, you have this better localisation, with algorithms tailored to adapt to local languages, cultures and challenges. DeepSeek does not come to you with the assumption that there's some central worldview, with anything else on satellite.

That will cause fewer users, especially in the Global South, throwing up fits in protest at answers to their queries, notably when it comes to global geopolitics.

And this is not the least: internet connectivity and computing infrastructure in many parts of the Global South are not on the leading edge. DeepSeek was engineered with that in mind and allows for efficient operation even in low-resource environments.

As you see, there's a lot there to explain why the U.S. stock markets have got nervous in the last few days with the rising star of DeepSeek.

DeepSeek, What the Hell?

When on Monday 27 January, news of the new kid on the block reached the Nasdaq, the tech index of Wall Street, it took it down a notch—a 3% fall.

For NVIDIA the darling, things were worse. Its stock price nosedived by 17%, wiping out about $600 billion of the company's value.

As a result, Apple and Microsoft climbed back to the top two tiers of the Nasdaq, leaving NVIDIA in the third slot. NVIDIA was only able to outrank Apple and Microsoft because of the AI craze.

Now, with DeepSeek bursting into the AI world with receipts that great results could be achieved with a little budget, investors caught panic.

Could it be possible that AI companies are over-evaluated? OpenAI, for example, pegged at $157 billion. How could it compete and make profit with all the possible DeepSeeks?

Clearly, the disruptive potential of DeepSeek lies in its ability to democratise AI technology, and that is a threat to the dominance of Silicon Valley's tech giants.

The President, on getting the news about the Chinese bot, spoke of a wake-up call and urged American companies not to sleep at the wheel.

The Nasdaq has now recovered. It would have been just a blip. But the past week brought something deeper: DeepSeek is reshaping market dynamics and creating new opportunities for growth in regions that have historically been underserved by Western tech companies.

The questions it has raised about the sustainability of high-cost AI models will stick around. And volatility will hang there in the market.

The Straight Talker

Donald J. Trump has a trait that’s uncommon in politicians. He’s a straight talker; he speaks his mind. Sure, he may launch into one of his signature weaves. But when he’s done, he always leaves you with no doubt as to where he stands on the issue at hand.

The professional political entrepreneur who prospers on ambiguity would find him to be frustrating. Because Trump’s candour puts him to shame; it reminds them that they’d dread it if their own thoughts were spoken aloud.

A Nigerian investigative journalist, known for his criticism of the Biden Administration’s foreign policy, sees an advantage in having Donald Trump back at the White House: “Friends and foes do not have to second-guess Uncle Sam; they'd know what he is up to.”

Trump is more signal than noise when it comes to where he wants to take America. Because the man is transparent in that regard, there’s little to no mystery about most of what you can expect from his second term.

From immigration to the key issue of the economy, from global security to the climate, from gender identity to free speech, Trump has laid bare all his plans. And there’s no mystery either on his prospective African policy.

Africa does not feature highly in Trump’s America First agenda. And we know it, rather counterintuitively, because Trump has been as silent on the continent as he’s been effusive on China, on Russia and Ukraine, on Gaza, on Europe and Nato.

What we know is substantially informed by the presidential campaign and by what had been Trump’s approach to Africa when he was first at the White House.

Trump’s previous African Policy had been about “advancing U.S. trade and commercial ties with nations across the [continent] to benefit both the United States and Africa.”

It had also been about security—about “countering the threat from radical Islamic terrorism and violent conflict.” But in the personal book of The Donald—when we last checked—Africa is a collection of “shit-hole countries.”

Granted, his view of the continent might have secretly evolved. But the presidential campaign was marked by distinctive fear-mongering against Haitian immigrants. “They are eating the dogs.” Remember that line?

Now, Haiti had the dubious honour of sharing with Africa that Trumpian expletive portrayal, now infamously part of the record of his previous administration.

With an outstanding pledge of mass deportation of illegal immigrants already on American soil, Trump must view Africa as an inconvenient source of potential influx of candidates for the American Dream.

The businessman may have tried hard, or he just doesn’t bother. For sure, there’s no public update from him to suggest a favourable perception of Africa as a place that fits within his MAGA agenda.

Certainly, with a Department of Government Efficiency, DOGE, designed to slim down public spending, the new administration will not be any eager to channel development assistance to African countries.

Quite predictably still, the traditional question popped up after Trump’s victory was announced on 5th November: What will all of it mean for Africa? A somewhat absurd question.

Donald Trump was elected to serve American interests. What Africa expects of him is utterly irrelevant. Also, it assumes that familiar pessimistic gaze; it assumes that Africa remains a somewhat static continent that awaits to be held by the hand, to be assisted, to be commanded.

Trump 2.0 will inevitably frustrate such a stagnant Africa—an image disconnected from the reality of an ever more dynamic continent. In any event, the slogan out there is America First. There’s no Africa in it.

This might be a better way to frame the issue of the prospective US African policy under the incoming administration: Can the United States—in its battle for global hegemony against China, and against the resurgent Russia—afford to be indifferent to Africa?

A “New Centrality”

The Senegalese-born former official of the French Government, Rama Yade, is right when she argues that much has changed in Africa since Donald Trump left the White House in January 2021.

“African nations have an ace up their sleeve,” Ms Yade writes in a piece for the Atlantic Council. But what’s that ace? Well, it’s what the ex-diplomat calls a “new centrality on the world stage.” It’s the notion that African countries are highly courted partners around the world.

The result is that Africa has options that were unavailable under the solid unilateral world order, the world of Bretton Woods’ dominance led by the U.S.—that world where the BRICS were barely a concept.

If only because of Trump’s stated desire to maintain the US dollar as a trusted global reserve currency, it would be deluded on his part to confine Africa to the same old clichés.

As Apple CEO Tim Cook would know, the business model of Silicon Valley would be unsustainable without Africa and its rare minerals—whether stolen or otherwise. And the point here is that Africa, as a land of vast natural resources, is not a myth.

And with a population projected to reach 2.5 billion by 2050, the continent is a vast market, a last frontier for economic growth—one waiting for a shift of vision: a break away from dependence on foreign aid in favour of more sovereignty, more industrialisation, more trade with its global partners.

That’s a fact every European power has understood since the 17th Century. And Emmanuel Macron of France knows why America under Trump must avoid the amateur mistake of thinking of Africa as little more than a “shit hole.”

Certainly, it’s a fact well understood by China, by the BRICS. And that’s why Africa is centre-stage in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). And do you remember the goal of the BRI?

The so-called New Silk Road is designed to serve Chinese global hegemony, while breaking with the tradition of militarism that’s been so dear to the U.S., known for its thousand army bases worldwide and its foreign military interventions.

Military interventions don’t sell in Africa today. Africans, mainly in the Sahel, will remember for a long time to come the havoc wrought upon their region by Barack Obama’s and Hillary Clinton’s destruction of Libya.

Now, contrary to America’s past use of brutal force to reshape the world according to its interest, the New Silk Road sells a vision of a peaceful and brighter future for all—for China, Asia, Africa and for Europe.

To that end, it pushes for regional connectivity through economic cooperation. Admittedly, some Western analysts see “the project as a disturbing expansion of Chinese power.”

And the U.S., beyond the usual talk of fighting global terrorism, which seems to justify the expansion of its global network of military bases, “has struggled to offer a competing vision.”

Militarism, for sure, isn’t how America will effectively ensure that its dollar remains the world’s currency. It is well and good for hawkish American senators to wax American might.

But for the rest of the world, America has to offer value. And militarism or indifference won’t be how Uncle Sam retains any relevance for Africa, the continent of unbounded resources, the last frontier for economic growth.

And with a future bank of the BRICS, with a future BRICS currency—in other words, with viable competition against the Bretton Woods system and the US dollar—it’s utterly bonkers for any administration in Washington to take Africa for granted.

Like most things about Africa, the notion of the continent as a collection of shit-hole countries—a continent that only contributes illegal migration and diseases to the world—is a colonial stereotype.

A new world order is upon us. If Donald Trump fails to take notice of it, Ms Yade would be right that his America First agenda may take a backseat to an Africa First renaissance—all to the advantage of America’s rivals on the global stage.

So, beyond old-fashioned militarism, beyond stereotypical contempt, what’s the type of US African policy that would make Uncle Sam a relevant player on the world’s last frontier of economic growth—Africa?

Turning Point Africa

There are a few African countries where the leaders are still rather conservative in how they view their relationship to Western powers—one of quiet deference. Ivory Coast, for example. Or even Nigeria—a country whose president is accused of being a CIA asset.

They may criticise the West, but only out of lip service to their impatient populations. In reality, these client heads of State thrive on Western paternalism. And for Conservative Africans, an indifferent United States would be bad news.

It leaves them exposed to possible winds of internal accountability, to the prospect of popular revolts. And Kenya’s budget riots of last year is such a cautionary tale.

Then, there is the other Africa. Turning Point Africa, as you may call it. And you may look to the Sahel to understand the nature of it. In Turning Point Africa, there’s been a progressive awakening of the masses to the failures of imitation.

More than 60 years of independence, under simulacra of democracy, yielded little but despair. The once-tolerated corruption of urban elites turned unbearable when the violence of armed groups came to add up to widespread poverty.

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In these countries, globalisation is now a dirty word. Democracy seemed to have only created a marginal peace for the exploitation of Africa’s natural resources by foreign companies that ship out all proceeds, barely paying taxes, mostly paying bribes.

Much like the MAGA crowd that has been instrumental to Trump’s victory, populations in Turning Point Africa want Africa for Africans first. Immigration to Europe or America—where they would be undesirable, scapegoated by far-right political activism—isn’t attractive.

The Sahel’s response to America’s Donald Trump has been the rise to prominence of military leaders in Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso; the election in Senegal of the youngest president ever.

Like Donald Trump and his MAGA base, these are patriots. They want control of their own destinies—more independence, more sovereignty, more freedom to trade with any global partner, under a win-win deal.

They want to be left alone to cherish their local cultures and customs—free from ideological imperialism, free from godless post-modern norms that happen to be fashionable in America or Europe.

Like Donald Trump and his MAGA base, Turning Point Africa—and the whole new Pan-African movement behind it—is vilified. Their rejection of unbridled globalism threatens a world order that has confined Africa to the role of provider of natural resources and passive consumer.

Western critics, media pundits and academics, dismiss them as a “danger to democracy,” even though 40 years of Western-style democracy did little for these impatient Africans.

Then comes Donald Trump with a brand of patriotism that mirrors the aspirations within Turning Point Africa; Trump with his talk of doing more business with the rest of the world, rather than starting or funding wars there. And why does that matter?

“Since China is hellbent on capturing Africa as a business destination,” one professor of international relations told a US news outlet, “Trump will come to Africa not so much because he cares about Africa but because he’s coming to counter Chinese influence on the African soil.”

And as a practical businessman and as a global peace-maker, Trump could only come pushing trade, which would be to Africa’s advantage.

With Trump’s focus on boosting US domestic production as part of his America First agenda, he will need to “import a lot of raw material from all over the world.” If anything, Africa would be there to offer minerals.

Beyond trade, however, Trump’s conservative positions on social issues endear him to Africa. From Senegal to Mali, from Burkina Faso and Niger to Uganda and Ghana, Africans have been impatient with the Democrats’ impulse of exporting certain post-modern values, such as the new LGBTQ+ order.

Nothing makes an African leader more popular than standing up to values viewed locally as disruptive, as colonialist and as antithetical to African traditions. In fact, China has been charming to Africans exactly because Chinese diplomacy does not centre any ambition of substituting African values with their own.

Now, Donald Trump is an avowed “anti-woke” president who advocates a return to more traditional values. And Ms Yade makes a good point when she says, “this would resonate positively” in several African countries where it’s criminal to push any LGBTQ+ agenda.

So, what’s the bottom line here?

Within the grand scheme of global geopolitics, Donald Trump’s personal views on Africa would come to matter less. If only for the sake of taking the competition to China, Trump can’t afford to sneer at Africa, a continent with such obscene reserves of strategic resources.

In any event, less direct U.S. intervention could potentially allow more autonomy for African nations to shape their own economic and political futures. But Donald Trump may yet be the U.S. president whose African policy would turn out to be popular with this generation of Africans—Turning Point Africa.

Personality of the Year

The factors of the current awakening in West Africa are not easy to place. Sure, an ageing political class with a timid conception of African sovereignty has slowly been on the wane, bowing out.

Sure, the children born in the 1990s when Africa was told at the Baule Conference that democracy must be its future are now grown. Both must count for something. But the upheavals that have led to this moment didn’t happen overnight.

Fifteen years ago, the children of the great democratic promise noted with disappointment that the golden anniversary of the Continent’s ascent to independence was a hollow event. Africa seemed to have walked backward in those 50 years it had supposedly been free from European colonial powers.

In the face of political corruption and electoral violence and economic fraud; in the face of growing poverty, of the recurrent and dismal spectacles of African migrants drowning at sea in their attempt to flee to Europe, the children of the great democratic promise of the 90s knew something had to change.

The decade that would follow the golden independence jubilee would be marked by intense political activism. It was led by rap and reggae artists, by firebrands both of the civil society and opposition parties. There were rowdy riots; there were scenes of police gassing protesters.

During that decade, you would be hard-pressed to crown a Personality of the Year from the ruling class. But fast forward to the last three years, when the thirst for actual change became too strong to contain.

Rising against their respective circumstances, impatient youths risked their lives to impose a new political order across several of the former French colonies in West Africa.

Either by the barracks or the ballots, the old political guards were railroaded into retirement. Africans have punched through the smokescreen of false independence. And back to first principles, they resolved to wade through chaos to secure true sovereignty—monetary, military, economic.

All is still in flux. But a look at the sheer political willingness of the new leadership in the region would deliver many choices for the crowning of a political champion.

We at the African Gazette have witnessed unusual patriotism across the region. Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad, etc: Picking a Political Personality of the Year wasn’t an ungrateful task in 2024. But who was it then for us?

Well, all the leaders of the embattled Federation of the state of the Sahel were rightful contenders. Yes, Ibrahim Traore of Burkina Faso, Assimi Goita of Mali, and Niger’s Abdourahamane Tchiani.

But they have been around for quite a while now—they were not revelations of the last year, unlike the tandem of Bassirou Faye and Ousmane Sonko.

And that’s the criterion on which the President and Prime Minister of Senegal are our political personalities of 2024. And you may agree with the reasons why.

Electoral Upset

The story of President Faye’s ascent to power will perhaps come to be told as a legend many years from now—the story of the man who went from the penitentiary to the presidency within a matter of one week.

And this is what makes it even more impressive: He had never held public office before, and had even lost a mayoral race in his native town a couple of years earlier. But President Faye will forever share the credit of his stunning electoral upset with his Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko.

As we reported at the time, Faye gained prominence as a close associate of Sonko, a former tax inspector and opposition leader who faced legal troubles.

Because of the said legal troubles, Sonko was barred from running in the presidential election. His party fielded Mr Faye as his stand-in. All that happened while they were behind bars.

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Their imprisonment further fuelled a social unrest that had rumbled episodically for almost the previous four years. The anger and resentment towards the government were at an unprecedented height.

As the two lingered in prison, they were embraced by the electorate as symbols of resistance against injustice and corruption within the country's political elite.

Their popularity soared as disaffected civil servants and ordinary citizens considered them more than ever as the ultimate embodiment of hope.

Their campaign, funded largely by the Senegalese diaspora, garnered significant momentum and culminated in that landslide victory with 54 percent of the votes. And taking the oath of office, Bassirou declared:

“I’m aware that the results from the ballot express a deep desire for systemic change. Through my election, the Senegalese people have engaged in the construction of a just Senegal, a prosperous Senegal.”

In under a year, the new administration—against the doubts of naysayers, and despite some inevitable political faux pas—made sure to keep the hopes alive; in under a year, Faye and Sonko made sure they have something to show for their election.

Action, Action, Action

“Senegal is an independent country, it is a sovereign country, and sovereignty does not accommodate the presence of foreign military bases.”
—President Faye

Senegal’s ruling tandem has hit the ground running, as the President and the PM lost no time in getting to work. Change was the promise. It requires paperwork, and action. But in some cases, change happened by the very fact of the transition of power.

The tension across the country, the months of social unrest, dissipated immediately after Bassirou Faye took the oath of office.

Those internet blackouts, the political imprisonment, the repeated breach of free speech—all overnight—became the stuff of the past. And one direct positive fallout of this systemic improvement of the social atmosphere was a pick-up in tourism as the summer kicked in.

Then the executive decisions started rolling. The voters who went to the polls for change are told the government would operate in full transparency: ministers would actively account to the public for their actions; reports from the National Office Against Fraud and Corruption will be published for all to see.

As a result of this commitment to transparency, officials soon reported something that most Senegalese already suspected:

An inspection into the finances of the last administration uncovered widespread corruption. And because further investigations are pending, Macky Sall—the former President—and his ministers find themselves today worrying about the prospects of prosecution.

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Of course, punishing fraud after these years of messy governance is a popular thing to undertake. But what did the government do right away to signal its duty of care to the common folk?

Well, in a move to ease the hardships of the masses, Mr Faye and his PM went to war against sky-rocketing food prices, enacting measures to bring them down. Along the way, they authorised the repayment of outstanding debts to farmers, and the distribution of seeds and fertilizers to eligible recipients.

The new leadership seems to have constantly kept an eye on the clock as the ticked items on its to-do list for the last year extends all the way to include such initiatives as the Set Setal national clean-up day. Yes, the new Senegal should be garbage-free and a country of active citizenship.

And in the new Senegal, the government would demonstrate that public institutions really belong to the people, and that through a sustained engagement between ministers and citizens. There must be a popular understanding of the issues affecting the nation.

But what have the political tandem achieved by way of asserting Senegal’s sovereignty?

For a while, some admirers began to fear that Mr Faye and Sonko’s pledge to usher in a new form of relationship with France—the former colonial master—must have run into the harsh realities of realpolitik.

As opposition leaders, they had made it a brand of their political communication to regularly lambast what they perceived as the persistent colonial attitude of France towards African countries. The patronising had to stop.

The two men vowed to end France’s military presence in Senegal, and to reform (and ultimately do away with) the CFA—the carry-over currency from the colonial era. Also, they waxed angry at Western efforts to export certain values deemed incompatible with Senegalese culture.

Then, Faye—visiting France twice, in June and August 2024—peeped no word of these familiar talking points. Meanwhile, he took up a mediation role within the regional grouping Ecowas, in a bid to convince the break-away AES countries to return.

The obvious problem is that those countries—Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger—walked away because they suspected the Ecowas to have been captured by France for the sake of advancing its neo-imperialistic agenda. So, had France succeeded in turning around the Senegalese patriots?

Apparently, no. Faye and Sonko—loyal to their campaign pledges—are moving for the consolidation of their country’s sovereignty.

On Friday, 27 December 2024, as one of the last decisions of the government, Mr Sonko told the nation via the National Assembly: “The President of the Republic has decided to close all foreign military bases in the very near future.”

That was a formal reassurance in a formal setting. Anything less and the sceptics would have gone on with venting their premature disappointment. The promise to break with the Françafrique tradition was a key aspect of Sonko’s and Mr Faye’s mass appeal; sovereignty was one of their central political argument. Nothing less would have done.

Otherwise, President Faye had reasserted a month earlier that Senegal is an independent country; that it is a sovereign country; and that sovereignty does not accommodate the presence of foreign military bases.

And thus ended a busy year for Senegal’s political duo. As they headed into 2025, the President and the PM knew that their countrymen who voted for change may now be impatient to see a real impact on their daily lives. The honeymoon might now be over—in 2025, reckoning awaits for the two young leaders.

Playa Negra—Spanish for Black Beach Prison—has no obvious connection with the Metropolitan Detention Centre (MDC) in New York, if only because the prison is located in Equatorial Guinea, Central Africa.

It sits on the island of Bioko, in Malabo the capital city. The Spanish went through the trouble of building it in the 1940s, so they could use it for locking away petty, common criminals.

When Equatorial Guinea became independent in 1968, Black Beach Prison became something else; it turned into a sort of Bastille—a formidable dungeon where political opponents are confined, deprived of fresh air and freedom to annoy authorities.

Locally, the notorious prison has always been something of a fearsome celebrity. But on the 5th of November, it found a way out of its international anonymity, when a cell within its depressing walls opened up to take in a high-profile detainee, Baltasar Ebang Engonga.

Baltasar is the factor that brought echoes of the Metropolitan Detention Centre, MDC, to Black Beach Prison. But how exactly?

Back in September, the American music mogul, Sean Diddy Combs, was hauled into the MDC, where he is being held in pre-trial detention.

Conditions at the MDC are reported as being horrifying and disgusting, a stark contrast with Combs’ previous lifestyle in luxury mansions.

The P. Diddy affair—which a lot has been written about—is a spectacular fall from grace, and so is that of Baltasar Ebang as we shall discuss.

But what really places Baltasar in the same dubious league as Diddy is the sheer scale of the sex scandal that compounded some pre-existing trouble, catapulting him into instant, albeit undesirable, fame. So, what’s the scale of it all? And how did it come to light?

“Shockingly among the participants are his own brother’s wife, Equatorial Guinea president’s cousin and sister, the wife of the director general of the national police, and the spouses of about 20 government ministers.”

These Dirty Tapes

Baltasar Ebang Engonga, 54-year-old, was a big shot in Equatorial Guinea. As Director General of the country’s National Financial Investigation Agency (ANIF), he was a member of the elite.

That alone was enough to make him untouchable. But Baltasar had further privilege—he was born into the circle of power. His father Baltasar Engonga Edjo, the current president of the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), is close to the ruling elite.

This proximity to power likely played a role in his son's career advancement. But this background gives no hint of the scandal that would eventually engulf him. We had to look elsewhere for clues.

According to a source close to the family who spoke to the African Gazette, Baltasar—the eldest of the family—studied in the United States. Despite his fortune, his father would only pay him a stipend that was enough to cover his rent. Perhaps, a way to push his son to earn his own money. And Baltasar would indeed.

One day, a roommate walked accidentally into him. He was under the shower, exposed. Probably as a way to wiggle himself out of embarrassment, the intruding friend told Baltasar that he had a generous physique which could earn him a decent living. Baltasar took the indecent proposal rather seriously.

According to the family source, the financier’s son set his sights on the porn industry, setting up his own website, and was soon making $17K to $65K monthly. And thus, he had sown the seed of the scandal that would later bring him into disrepute.

However, Baltasar’s obsession with sex remained a secret. In fact, the trigger of his downfall was anything but sex—at least officially.

The role of the Director General of the National Financial Investigation Agency (ANIF) comes with strict ethical requirements. It's the top civil servant with a duty of managing financial regulations.

If there were any national or global financial standards to comply with, the responsibilities fell on Baltasar Ebang.

In his position, he was expected to conduct investigations for the prevention of financial crimes, such as money laundering and corruption.

For some reasons however, the Director General came to place himself under the suspicion of breaching the regulations he was supposed to uphold.

In tandem with other high-ranking officials, he reportedly misappropriated public funds in excess of 1.2 billion Central African CFA francs ($1.9 million).

Earlier this month, when a criminal investigation squad made a swoop on his home and office for search, they were stunned at a bizarre discovery—a huge cache of porn footage, 400 videos featuring Baltasar Ebang in hardcore sexual acts.

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Things got a lot freakier when the searching squad took interest in the Director’s sexual partners. They were not some hired porn actors from about town. As confirmed by our source close to Baltasar’s family, the women in the videos include high-profile individuals.

Shockingly among the participants are his own brother’s wife, Equatorial Guinea president’s cousin and sister, the wife of the director general of the national police, and the spouses of about 20 government ministers.

Now, did he shoot all the videos in the same place? Oh, no. Many of the encounters are reportedly filmed in government workplaces, including Engonga's own office. And there is no indication that the participants were not consenting, which adds more shock to the drama.

The parallel with P Diddy’s scandal is limited in some aspects, especially because none of the participants complained of coercion.

But like P Diddy’s scandal, it took social media platforms by storm, making it even into the US comedy show circuit, and Equatorial Guinea became trending for the wrong reasons. Inevitably, Baltasar’s sexual eccentricities became a State affair.

“Even Baltasar would be hard-pressed to know what happens to him next. But you can be sure that there are some shades of mystery in how this huge cache of porn stuff ended up in the public domain.”

The Fallout

Marriages and relationships are bound to be strained by Baltasar’s sex tapes, which have quickly spawned a black market of their own, with websites sprouting overnight to charge for full access to the 400 videos.

And with the clips so widely shared on social media platforms, the scandal is guaranteed to cause embarrassment among those couples directly affected by it. There’s been at least one report of suicide that our source couldn’t confirm.

At any rate, the Baltasar Affair has caused dismay all the way to the top, prompting the country’s Vice President, Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, to call a cabinet meeting to discuss it.

From the government’s perspective, the incident eroded public trust in officials, as it calls into question their personal conduct. So, how to avoid a repeat of such an embarrassment?

Well, authorities issued a ban on sexual relations in government workplaces and announced the installation of surveillance cameras in public offices.

The government, which has forbidden any further wilful distribution of the videos, is considering a set of regulations to strengthen data and privacy protection.

Baltasar seems to have broken no privacy law, but there is concern that he could have put his sexual partners at risk of sexually transmitted diseases.

He could be prosecuted on the grounds of public health if he tests positive for, say, HIV. At any rate, Baltasar Engonga is already in a great deal of trouble.

On the 5th of November, when law enforcement turned up to arrest the disgraced director general, they did not grant him the high-profile treatment he would normally have expected.

As though they didn't want to take any risk, they looped chains around his ankles, then put his hands in cuffs. He appeared to be dazed and distant as they led him to the awaiting squad car.

So far, he had just been suspended over the embezzlement allegations. But as the shock of the sex tapes spread further and became a hot topic of discussion online, temporary suspension appeared inadequate.

Baltasar’s own father called for him to properly face the music. And following the urgent cabinet meeting, the government announced his immediate dismissal as head of the National Financial Investigation Agency, in compliance with a direct order of President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo.

The official decree, which removed him from his position, indicates that his behaviour is incompatible with public office. In his downfall, he might have taken down his father with him.

As our source suggests, the embarrassment brought to his family's name might have spelled the end of his father's political ambitions, in a context when the regime of the 82-year-old President, Teodoro Nguema, is nearing its natural end.

But shouldn't Baltasar even fear for his life? Should he not fear some foul play from a cuckold? Well, as we understand, these are questions taken seriously.

Though Baltasar has been led to Black Beach, our source tells us that there is concern he might be assassinated there.

She suggested that he was sneaked out and held under house arrest at an undisclosed location. With the decision of officials to curb any further discussion of the scandal, we are unable to independently verify her claim.

But if all of the Baltasar investigation and sex-tape scandal were constructed as a ploy to undermine future serious contenders in the succession to the ageing president N’Guema, Baltasar may yet be safe.

He could be allowed to fly out to Spain and reunite with his wife and kids, or return to the United States where his father is said to possess a string of properties.

Even Baltasar would be hard-pressed to know what happens to him next. But you can be sure that there are some shades of mystery in how this huge cache of porn stuff ended up in the public domain.

“We had to give some sense of meaning to the revolts of the unemployed urban masses, frustrated and tired of seeing the limousines of the alienated élite flash by, following the head of State, who offered them only false solutions devised and conceived in the brains of others.”

— Thomas Sankara, UN General Assembly, 1985

The youngest serving president on the planet—Captain Ibrahim Traore of Burkina Faso—is a man in a hurry, not because of that perpetual spring in his step. No.

Two years ago, at just 34, Traore inherited a country in turmoil. Islamists, empowered by the fall of Libya, have been wreaking havoc in remote corners of the nation. Traore has a war to win, as it is. But importantly, Traore must give hope to a traumatised country where everything is urgent.

Obviously, the young president has little time to spare. And he seems to have figured out that a maximum of straight-talking would save him time, or at least avoid confusion as to what his priorities are.

To anyone familiar with African politics, especially politics in Burkina, Traore is but a reincarnation—the political heir to another captain, Thomas Sankara, who had walked in his shoes 37 years ago.

Sankara’s story is one laced with tragedy, which returns every year centre stage in the national consciousness. And on Tuesday, the straight-talking Traore was on cue with a tribute.

“Today, 15 October,” President Traore tweeted to the world, “the people of Burkina Faso remember the cowardly and ignoble assassination of President Captain Thomas Sankara.”

“I pay tribute to this great visionary who has indelibly shaped the history of our Nation with his integrity, patriotism, and unwavering commitment to a dignified, free, and sovereign Burkina Faso.”

There’s a great deal to unpack in this tribute, delivered with generosity. So, what then is the story of this great visionary, whom an entire nation feels a duty to remember forever?

A Tragic Day

Afternoon. 15 October 1987. As the squad tasked with eliminating Captain Thomas Sankara arrived at the villa of the Council of the Entente in Ouagadougou, the capital city, they felt at least assured of one thing: from the carnage they were about to unleash, there would be no survivors. They felt that they would be triumphant forever, with no soul to hold them to account.

Of course, the assassins left no note detailing their motivations. Even Alouna Traoré, the mysterious sole survivor of the massacre—whose fragile testimony offers a direct glimpse into the murderous frenzy of that day—cannot definitively describe what truly drove these men.

Yet, the scorched-earth tactic they deployed that afternoon spoke more eloquently and more credibly than any confession or direct testimony. They sought no prisoners. Despite having the option to disarm and detain their unfortunate victims, they went in for a permanent solution.

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The operation lasted around thirty minutes. But the grim task was effectively over as soon as the first bursts from their AK-47s rang out. Sankara was struck twice in the forehead—fatal blows.

Half an hour later, while the shooting continued, the PF—the President of the Faso—was already dead. He had long ceased to breathe.

Among the twelve fatalities who shared Sankara’s tragic lot were four civilian members of an ad hoc cabinet convened to address a specific matter of policy. Their names are known: Paulin Bamouni, Patrice Zagré, Frédéric Kiemdé, and Bonaventure Compaoré.

The other unfortunate victims were military personnel from the revolutionary army, serving as bodyguards or drivers for the presidential convoy. Among them was Adjutant Christophe Saba—the proverbial figure of the wrong man in the wrong place at the wrong time. Saba was off duty. He had merely swung by for a chat among chums.

As you can see, 15 October 1987 as it unfolded in Burkina Faso was no fiction. And the thirty-seven years that have passed since have done nothing to diminish the brutality of what transpired that day.

But if Captain Thomas Sankara has grown even more popular in death, it is not solely due to his tragic end.

An Upright Man

Thomas Sankara was a man haunted by the destitution of the masses in the former French colony of Upper Volta, where he grew up in relative prosperity.

He never went hungry, and was fortunate to receive an education. This was because his father—Joseph Sankara—was a gendarme, who belonged to the small elite.

Shielded from the pervasive poverty around him, Thomas nonetheless wondered: how is it that some can eat to their fill while others all but starve? And it was a question that would never leave him alone, even after he assumed power on 4 August 1983.

“We had to take the lead of the peasant uprisings in the countryside, threatened by desertification, exhausted by hunger and thirst, and abandoned,” he told the UN General Assembly in 1984, as he outlined the vision of his popular revolution.

“We had to give some sense of meaning to the revolts of the unemployed urban masses, frustrated and tired of seeing the limousines of the alienated élite flash by, following the head of State, who offered them only false solutions devised and conceived in the brains of others.”

To deliver on this highly promissory rhetoric, Sankara knew he had to walk the talk—he wouldn’t be one of the alienated ones rolling in a limo. He drastically reviewed the lifestyle of government employees, starting from the top.

He awarded himself a meagre monthly pay of $450, refusing to use the air conditioning in his office, which he considered a luxury. The Captain sold off two-thirds of the government’s auto fleet and made the Renault 5—the cheapest car sold in Burkina Faso at that time—the official service car for ministers.

In a great departure from tradition, the captain rejected nepotism and turned away relatives who sought sponsored jobs, abusively leveraging their personal connections.

And there was no favours for mom and dad. Thomas’s parents continued to live in their old modest house in the popular neighbourhood of Paspanga, where they’d pass away in near-destitution decades years after their son’s assassination.

On the first anniversary of his revolution, Sankara decided to discard the colonial name, Upper Volta, given to his country. He swapped it with Burkina Faso, the Land of Upright People.

Burkina Faso was a programmatic name; it subconsciously urged every citizen to honesty, to integrity. And Sankara—a believer in leadership by example—was the ultimate upright man, the ultimate Burkinabè. The Captain couldn’t afford to skimp on that value. Why?

Integrity was the spiritual essence necessary for advancing the urgent public policies needed to lift millions out of poverty and to cement Sankara’s legacy as a transformative figure.

“We want to democratise our society, to open up our minds to a universe of collective responsibility, so that we may be bold enough to invent the future. We want to change the administration and reconstruct it with a different kind of civil servant.”

—Thomas Sankara, October 1984

A Man In A Hurry

“We refuse simple survival,” Thomas Sankara vowed in his UN speech, recycling ideas familiar to even his most remote observers. “We want to ease the pressures, to free our countryside from medieval stagnation or regression.”

“We want to democratise our society, to open up our minds to a universe of collective responsibility, so that we may be bold enough to invent the future. We want to change the administration and reconstruct it with a different kind of civil servant.”

“We want to get our army involved with the people in productive work and remind it constantly that—without patriotic training—a soldier is only a criminal in waiting. That is our political programme.”

As he addressed the world diplomats, Sankara had only been in power for a year. He was, in fact, presenting the roadmap for his presidency, which was to last for just four short years.

To meet his ambitious vision, the young revolutionary leader needed policies aimed at radical reforms. These spanned various sectors. And they led to significant changes, with lasting impact.

Sankara introduced free education at all levels, focusing on accessibility for all children, particularly in rural areas, which significantly increased literacy rates in the country.

Beyond maths and literacy, the revolutionary school system placed emphasis on civic education. The goal was to instil early in the youth a sense of national identity and responsibility.

The curriculum ensured that every Burkinabè child was sharply aware of the importance of self-sufficiency and social justice. And as important alongside education to the revolutionary project was women’s liberation. Why?

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Upper Volta was a conservative country of the West African type. Certain entrenched beliefs in gender roles left women at a disadvantage. It was a situation that Sankara had to address, as part of his pledge to break his country free from medieval stagnation.

At the horror of traditional chieftaincies that were deep-rooted in their old ways, the government moved to champion women’s rights, promoting gender equality as a core principle of public policies.

Sankara appointed women to prominent government positions and encouraged their participation in politics and employment. But his gender reforms were far more reaching, as he implemented programs that prohibited forced marriages and encouraged family planning.

The Captain famously said, “The revolution cannot succeed without the emancipation of women.” And while women’s rights were a crucial part of his agenda, the young leader also prioritised the protection of the environment.

As a matter of fact—long before global warming became a pressing issue—Thomas Sankara, whose country sat on the edge of the Sahel, had an acute awareness of the importance of environmental conservation.

He launched massive tree-planting campaigns to combat desertification and improve agricultural productivity. This included the famous Green March—La Marche Verte—aiming to restore degraded land.

Every school across the country was driven under the One School One Grove initiative—Une Ecole, Un Bosquet—to keep schoolchildren planting trees as a core part of their education.

The revolutionary green policies advocated for agricultural practices that were environmentally friendly. They aimed at achieving food security, while promoting organic farming techniques.

“Our economic ambition is to work to ensure that the use of the mind and the strength of each inhabitant of Burkina Faso will produce what is necessary to provide two meals a day and drinking-water,” Sankara declared.

In line with this stated goal, Sankara’s government promoted policies aimed at reducing dependency on foreign aid and imports. Consommons Burkinabè—or Let’s consume what we produce—was one familiar slogan to the people of Burkina Faso under the Revolution. And it was more than a catchphrase.

In real life, it translated into support for local industries and agriculture to boost self-sufficiency. And produce made in Faso was distributed through the Faso Yaar open market chain across cities.

Sankara didn’t care about Bretton Woods economic prescriptions. His policies were informed by African customs of solidarity. In the village of his parents—as in all villages across the country—value is not systematically measured in market terms. Certain things have no price.

So, as part of his efforts to place the destiny of the nation in the hands of all, Sankara nationalised several sectors, including mining and transport, redirecting profits to social programmes and infrastructure development.

And for the management of public companies, he demanded complete transparency, and there was a price to pay for dishonesty—a price decided by a revolutionary jury of one’s peers.

At any rate, he went full force against corruption through strict regulations and accountability measures for public officials. As noted earlier, he famously reduced his own salary and that of his ministers.

And he will forever be remembered for encouraging grass-roots participation in governance, breeding a culture of honesty and popular involvement in decision-making processes.

That was Thomas Sankara at home. But his revolution wasn’t complete without a brave foreign policy; one of anti-imperialistic eloquence that concerned itself with the fate of all “the wretched” of the earth.

We refuse simple survival. We want to ease the pressures, to free our countryside from medieval stagnation or regression. We want to democratize our society, to open up our minds to a universe of collective responsibility, so that we may be bold enough to invent the future.

—Thomas Sankara, UN, 1984

I bring the fraternal greetings of a country covering 274,000 square kilometres, where 7 million men, women and children refuse henceforth to die of ignorance, hunger and thirst, even though they are not yet able to have a real life, after a quarter of a century as a sovereign State represented here at the United Nations.

I come to this thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly to speak on behalf of a people which, on the land of its ancestors, has chosen from now on to assert itself and to take responsibility for its own history, in both its positive and negative aspects, without any complexes.

I come here, mandated by the National Council of the Revolution of Burkina Faso, to express the views of my people on the problems that have been included on the General Assembly’s agenda, which form the tragic background of the events which are sadly undermining the foundations of the world late in this twentieth century.

It is a world of chaos, in which the human race is tom apart by struggles between the great and the not-so-great, attacked by armed bands and subjected to violence and plunder. It is a world in which the nations, eluding international jurisdiction, command groups beyond the law, which, with gun in hand, live by preying on others and organizing the most despicable kinds of trafficking.

I do not intend to enunciate dogmas here. I am neither a messiah nor a prophet. I possess no truths. My only ambition is a twofold aspiration: first, to be able to speak in simple language, the language of facts and clarity, on behalf of my people, the people of Burkina Faso;

And, secondly, to be able-to express in my own way the feelings or that mass of people who are disinherited—those who belong to that world maliciously dubbed "the third world"—and to state, even if I cannot make them understood, the reasons that have led us to rise up, all of which explains our interest in the United Nations, the demands of our rights drawing strength in the clear awareness of our duties.

Nobody will be surprised to hear us associate the former Upper Volta, now Burkina Faso, with that despised rag-bag, the third world, which the other worlds invented at the time of our independence in order better to ensure our intellectual, cultural, economic and political alienation. We want to fit in there without at all justifying this great swindle of history, still less accepting that we are a backward world left behind by the West.

Rather, we do so to affirm our awareness of belonging to a three-continent whole and to state, as one of the non-aligned countries, our deeply felt conviction that a special solidarity unites the three continents of Asia, Latin America and Africa in the same battle against the same political traffickers and economic exploiters.

Thus to recognize our presence in the third world is, to paraphrase José Marti, to affirm that we feel on our cheek every blow struck against every other man in the world. So far, we have turned the other cheek.

The slaps in the face have been redoubled and the evil-doers have felt no tenderness in their hearts. They have trampled on the truth of the just. They have betrayed the word of Christ. They have turned His cross into a club, and after putting on His robe they have tom our bodies and souls to shreds.

They have obscured His message, making it a Western one, whereas we saw it as a message of universal liberation. Now our eyes have been opened to the class struggle and there will be no more blows dealt against us.

It must be proclaimed that there will be no salvation for our peoples unless we turn our backs completely on all the models that all the charlatans of that type have tried to sell us for 20 years. There can be no salvation for us unless we reject those models; there can be no development without that break.

Now all the new "master minds" are awakening, roused by the dizzy increase of millions of men in rags and frightened by the threat to their digestion of this multitude hounded by hunger.

They are beginning to change their tune and are again anxiously seeking among us miraculous ideas for new forms of development for our countries. In order to understand this it is necessary only to read the proceedings of innumerable colloquies and seminars.

I certainly do not wish to ridicule the patient effort of those honest intellectuals who, because they have t, ;s to see, have observed the terrible consequences of the ravages caused in the third world by the so-called development specialists.

I fear that the results of all the energies seized by the Prósperos of all kinds may be turned into a magic wand to be used to turn us back in to a world of slavery, dressed up according to the taste of our times.

This fear is justified by the fact that the African petite bourgeoisie with its diplomas, if not that of the whole third world, is not ready—whether because of intellectual laziness or simply because it has sampled the Western way of life—to give up its privileges.

It therefore forgets that all true political struggle requires a rigorous theoretical debate, and it refuses to do the thinking necessary in order to invent the new concepts needed to wage the kind of struggle to the death that is ahead of us.

A passive and pathetic consumer group, it overflows with the "in" words of the West, just as it overflows with its whisky and champagne, in salons where there is a dubious kind of harmony.

One will search in vain— the concepts of Blackness or the African personality now being a little outdated—for truly new ideas from the brains of our so-called intellectual giants. Words and ideas come to us from elsewhere.

Our professors, engineers and economists are content simply to add a little colouring, because they have brought from the European universities of which they are the products only their diplomas and the surface smoothness of adjectives and superlatives.

It is urgently necessary that our qualified personnel and those who work with ideas learn that there is no innocent writing. In these tempestuous times, we cannot leave it to our enemies of the past and of the present to think and to imagine and to create. We also must do so.

Before it is too late—and it is already late—this élite, these men of Africa, of the third world, must come to their senses; in other words, they must turn to their own societies, they must look at this wretchedness that we have inherited, to understand that the battle for thought that will help the disinherited masses not only is not a vain one but can become credible at the international level.

They must provide a faithful picture for their own peoples, a picture that will enable them to carry out profound changes in the social and political situation so that we can free ourselves from the foreign domination and exploitation that can lead our States only to failure.

This is something that we understood, we, the people of Burkina Faso, on that night of 4 August 1983, when the stars first began to shine in the heavens of our homeland. We had to take the lead of the peasant uprisings in the countryside, threatened by desertification, exhausted by hunger and thirst, and abandoned.

We had to give some sense of meaning to the revolts of the unemployed urban masses, frustrated and tired of seeing the limousines of the alienated élite flash by following the head of State, who offered them only false solutions devised and conceived in the brains of others.

We had to give an ideological soul to the just struggles of our masses mobilized against the monstrosity of imperialism. Instead of a minor, short-lived revolt, we had to have revolution, the eternal struggle against all domination.

Others have noted this before me and yet others will say after me how broad the gap now is between the rich peoples and those that aspire only to have enough to eat, enough to drink, to survive and to defend their dignity, but nobody could believe how much of the food of our people has gone to feed the rich man's cow.

In the case of Upper Volta, the process was even more crystal clear. We demonstrated the essence of all the calamities that have crushed the so-called developing countries.

The truth about aid, represented as the panacea for all ills and often praised beyond all rhyme or reason, has been revealed. Very few countries have been so inundated with aid of all kinds as has mine.

Aid is supposed to help development, but one can look in vain in what used to be Upper Volta to see any sign of any kind of development. The people who were m power through either naivety or class selfishness could not or else did not want to gain control over this inflow from the outside or grasp the scope of it and use it in the interests of our people.

Analysing a table that was published in 1983 by the Sahel Club, Jacques Giri, in his book entitled The Sahel Tomorrow, concluded quite sensibly that aid to the Sahel, because of its content and because of the machinery in place, was only aid for survival. He emphasized that only 30 per cent of that aid would enable the Sahel simply to remain alive.

According to Jacques Giri, this outside aid was designed only for the continued development of the unproductive sectors, imposing intolerable burdens on our small budgets, completely disrupting our countryside, creating deficits in our trade balance and, in fact, speeding up our indebtedness.

Here are just a few standard facts to describe what Upper Volta used to be like: 7 million inhabitants, with more than 6 million peasants; infant mortality at 180 per 1,000; life expectancy of 40 years; an illiteracy rate of 98 per cent, if literacy is considered to mean being able to read, write and speak a language; one doctor for 50,000 inhabitants; 16 per cent receiving schooling; and lastly, a gross domestic product of 53,356 CFA francs, that is, just over $100 per capita. The diagnosis obviously was a very bad one. The source of the evil was political and so the only cure must be a political one.

Of course, we encourage aid that can help us to manage without aid, but in general the aid and assistance policies merely led us to become completely disorganized, to enslave ourselves, to shirk our responsibility in our economic, political and cultural areas.

We have chosen a different path to achieve better results. We have chosen to establish new techniques. We have chosen to seek forms of organization that are better adapted to our civilization, abruptly and once and for all rejecting all kinds of outside diktats, so that we can create the conditions for a dignity in keeping with our ambitions.

We refuse simple survival. We want to ease the pressures, to free our countryside from medieval stagnation or regression. We want to democratize our society, to open up our minds to a universe of collective responsibility, so that we may be bold enough to invent the future.

We want to change the administration and reconstruct it with a different kind of civil servant. We want to get our army involved with the people in productive work and remind it constantly that, without patriotic training, a soldier is only a criminal with power. That is our political programme.

At the economic level, we are learning to live simply, to accept and to demand of ourselves the austerity that we need in order to carry out our great designs.

Thanks to the revolutionary solidarity fund, which is fed by voluntary contributions, we are now beginning to deal with the cruel questions posed by the drought.

We support and have applied the principles of the Declaration of Alma-Ata/ expanding our primary health care. We endorse as a State policy the global strategy of GOBI FFF advocated by UNICEF.

We believe that through the United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office, the United Nations should enable those countries affected by drought to establish a medium- and long-term plan to achieve self-sufficiency in food.

To prepare for the twenty-first century, we have begun, by creating a special tombola section, an immense campaign for the education and training of our children in a new school. The programme is called "Let's teach our children".

Through committees to defend the revolution, we have established a vast house-building programme—500 units in three months—and we are also building roads, small water collectors, and so forth.

Our economic ambition is to work to ensure that the use of the mind and the strength of each inhabitant of Burkina Faso will produce what is necessary to provide two meals a day and drinking-water.

We swear that in future in Burkina Faso nothing will be done without the participation of the people of Burkina Faso themselves, nothing that has not been decided by us, that has not been prepared by us. There shall be no more attacks on our honour and dignity.

Strengthened by this conviction, we want our words to cover all those who suffer, all those whose dignity has been crushed by a minority or a system.

Let me say to those who are listening to me now that I speak not only on behalf of Burkina Faso, my country which I love so much, but also on behalf of all those who suffer, wherever they may be.

I speak on behalf of those millions of human beings who are in ghettos because their skin is black, or because they have a different kind of culture, those whose status is hardly higher than that of an animal.

I suffer, too, on behalf of those Indians who have been massacred, trampled on and humiliated and who, for centuries, have been confined to reservations, so that they do not have any aspirations to any rights whatsoever, so that their culture cannot become enriched through contact with other cultures, including that of the invader.

I speak out on behalf of those who are unemployed because of a structurally unjust system which has now been completely disrupted, the unemployed who have been reduced to seeing their lives as only the reflection of the lives of those who have more than themselves.

I speak on behalf of women throughout the entire world who suffer from a system of exploitation imposed on them by men. As far as we are concerned, we are willing to welcome all suggestions from anywhere in the world that will help us to promote the full development and prosperity of the women of Burkina Faso.

In return, we will share with all countries the positive experience we are now undertaking with our women, who are now involved at all levels of the State apparatus and social life in Burkina Faso, women who struggle and who say with us that the slave who will not shoulder responsibility to rebel does not deserve pity.

That slave will alone be responsible for his own wretchedness if he has any illusions whatsoever about the suspect indulgence shown by a master who pretends to give him freedom. Only struggle helps us to become free, and we call on all our sisters of all races to rise up to regain their rights.

I speak on behalf of the mothers of our poor countries who see their children dying of malaria and diarrhoea, unaware that to save them there are simple methods available but which the science of the multinationals does not offer to them, preferring to invest in cosmetics laboratories and engage in cosmetic surgery to satisfy the whims and caprices of a few men and women who feel they have become too fat because of too many calories in the rich food they consume with regularity.

That must make even members of this Assembly dizzy—not to mention the peoples of the Sahel. We have decided to adopt and popularize the methods that have been advocated by WHO and UNICEF.

I speak on behalf of the child, the child of the poor man, who is hungry and who furtively eyes the wealth piled up in the rich man's shop, a shop that is protected by a thick window, a window which is defended by an impassable grille, the grille guarded by a policeman in a helmet with gloves and a bludgeon, the policeman placed there by the father of another child, who comes there to serve himself or rather to be served because these are the guarantees of capitalistic representativeness and norms of the system.

I speak on behalf of the artists—poets, painters, sculptors, musicians, actors and so on—people of good will who see their art being prostituted by the show-business magicians.

I cry out on behalf of the journalists who have been reduced to silence or else to lies simply to avoid the hardships of unemployment.

I protest on behalf of the athletes of the entire world whose muscles are being exploited by political systems or by those who deal in the modern slavery of the stadium.

My country is the essence of all the miseries of peoples, a tragic synthesis of all the suffering of mankind but also, and above all, the synthesis of the hopes of our struggles. That is why I speak out on behalf of the sick who are anxiously looking to see what science can do for them—but that science has been taken over by the gun merchants.

My thoughts go to all those who nave been affected by the destruction of nature, those 30 million who are dying every year, crushed by that most fearsome weapon, hunger.

As a soldier, I cannot forget that obedient soldier who does what he is told, whose finger is on the trigger and who knows that the bullet which is going to leave his gun will bring only a message of death.

Lastly, I speak out in indignation as I think of the Palestinians, whom this most inhuman humanity has replaced with another people, a people who only yesterday were themselves being martyred at leisure. I think of the valiant Palestinian people, the families which have been splintered and split up and are wandering throughout the world seeking asylum.

Courageous, determined, stoic and tireless, the Palestinians remind us all of the need and moral obligation to respect the rights of a people. Along with their Jewish brothers, they are anti-Zionists.

Standing alongside my soldier brothers of Iran and Iraq, who are dying in a fratricidal and suicidal war, I wish also to feel close to my comrades of Nicaragua, whose ports are being mined, whose towns are being bombed and who, despite all, face up with courage and lucidity to their fate. I suffer with all those in Latin America who are suffering from imperialist domination.

I wish to stand side by side with the peoples of Afghanistan and Ireland, the peoples of Grenada and East Timor, each of those peoples seeking happiness in keeping with their dignity and the laws of their own culture.

I rise up on behalf of all who seek in vain any forum in the world to make their voices heard and to have themselves taken seriously.

Many have already spoken from this rostrum. Many will speak after me. But only a few will take the real decisions, although we are all officially considered equals. I speak on behalf of all those who seek in vain for a forum in the world where they can be heard. Yes, I wish to speak for all those—the forgotten—because I am a man and nothing that is human is alien to me.

Our revolution in Burkina Faso takes account of the ills of all peoples. We are also inspired by all the experiences of mankind, from the very first breath of the first human being.

We wish to enjoy the inheritance of all the revolutions of the world, all the liberation struggles of the third-world peoples. We are trying to learn from the great upheavals that have transformed the world. We have drawn the lessons of the American revolution, the lessons of its victory against colonial domination, and the consequences of that victory.

We endorse the doctrine of non-interference by Europeans in American affairs and non-interference by Americans in European affairs. In 1823, Monroe said "America for the Americans". We would say "Africa for the Africans; Burkina Faso for the Burkinabe".

The French revolution of 1789, which disrupted the foundations of absolutism, has taught us the rights of man linked to the rights of peoples to freedom. The great revolution of October 1917 transformed the world and made possible the victory of the proletariat, shook the foundations of capitalism and made possible the dreams of justice of the French Commune.

Open to all the wishes of the peoples and their revolutions, learning also from the terrible failures that have led to truly sad infringements of human rights, we want to preserve from each revolution only that essence of purity that prohibits us from becoming servants to the realities of others, even though in our thinking we find that there is a community of interests among us.

There must be no more deceit. The new international economic order, for which we are struggling and will continue to struggle, can be achieved only if we manage to do away with the old order, which completely ignores us, only if we insist on the place which is ours in the political organization of the world, only if we realize our importance in the world and obtain the right to decision-making with respect to the machinery governing trade, economic and monetary affairs at the world level.

The new international economic order is simply one among all the other rights of peoples—the right to independence, to the free choice of the form and structure of government, the right to development— and like all the rights of peoples it is a right which can be gained only through the struggle of the peoples. It will never be obtained by any act of generosity by any Power whatsoever.

I continue to have unshakeable confidence—a confidence I share with the immense community of non-aligned countries—that, despite our peoples' battering-ram cries of distress, our group will preserve its cohesion, strengthen its power of collective negotiation, find allies among all nations, and begin, together with all who can still hear us, to organize a really new system of international economic relations.

I agreed to come to speak before the Assembly because, despite the criticism of certain major contributors, the United Nations remains the ideal forum for our demands, the place where the legitimacy of countries which have no voice is recognized. This was expressed very accurately by the Secretary- General, when he wrote:

"The United Nations reflects in a unique way the aspirations and frustrations of many nations and groups all over the world. One of its great merits is that all nations—-including the weak, the oppressed and the victims of injustice"—that is, us—"can get a hearing and have a platform even in the face of the hard realities of power.

A just cause, however frustrated or disregarded, can find a voice in the United Nations. This is not always a well- liked attribute of the Organization, but it is an essential one." The meaning and scope of the Organization could not be better defined. Therefore, it is absolutely essential for the good of each of us that the United Nations be strengthened and provided with the means to take action.

That is why we endorse the Secretary-General's proposals to this end, to help the Organization break the many deadlocks which have been carefully preserved by the great Powers in order to discredit it in the eyes of the world.

Since I recognize the admittedly limited merits of the Organization, I cannot but rejoice to see new Members join us That is why the delegation of Burkina Faso welcomes the admission of the 159th Member of the United Nations, the State of Brunei Darussalam.

The folly of those who, by a quirk of fate, rule the world makes it imperative for the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries—which, I hope, the State of Brunei Darussalam will soon join—to consider as one of the permanent goals of its struggle the achievement of disarmament, which is an essential aspect of the principal conditions of our right to development.

In our view, there must be serious studies of all the factors which have led to the calamities which have befallen the world. In this connection, President Fidel Castro stated our view admirably at the opening of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana in September 1979, when he said:

"Three hundred billion dollars could build 600,000 schools, with a capacity for 400 million children; or 60 million comfortable homes, for 300 million people; or 30,000 hospitals, with 18 million beds; or 20,000 factories, with jobs for more than 20 million workers; or an irrigation system for 150 million hectares of land—that, with the application of technology, could feed a billion people."

If we multiply those numbers by 10—and I am sure that that is a conservative figure—we can see how much mankind wastes every year in the military field, that is, against peace.

It is easy to see why the indignation of the peoples is easily transformed into rebellion and revolution in the face of the crumbs tossed to them in the ignominious form of some aid, to which utterly humiliating conditions are sometimes attached. It can be understood why, in the fight for development, we consider ourselves to be tireless combatants for peace.

We swear to struggle to ease tension, to introduce the principles of civilized life into international relations and to extend these to all parts of the world. That means that we can no longer stand by passively and watch people haggle over concepts.

We reiterate our determination to work actively for peace; to take our place in the struggle for disarmament; to take action in the field of international politics as a decisive factor, free of all hindrance by any of the big Powers, whatever may be their designs.

But the quest for peace also involves the strict application of the right of countries to independence. On this point, the most pathetic—indeed, the most appalling—example is found in the Middle East, where, with arrogance, insolence and incredible stubbornness, a small country, Israel, has for more than 20 years, with the unspeakable complicity of its powerful protector, the United States, continued to defy the international community.

Only yesterday, Jews were consigned to the horrors of the crematorium, but Israel scorns history by inflicting on others the tortures it suffered.

In any event, Israel—whose people we love for its courage and sacrifices of the past—should realize that the conditions for its own tranquillity are not to be found in military strength financed from outside. Israel must begin to learn to be a nation like other nations, one among many.

For the present, we declare from this rostrum our militant, active solidarity with the fighters, both men and women, of the wonderful people of Palestine, for we know that there is no suffering that has no end.

Analysing the economic and political situation in Africa, we cannot fail to stress our serious concern at the dangerous challenges to the rights of peoples hurled by certain nations which, secure in their alliances, openly flout international morality.

We are naturally pleased at the decision to withdraw foreign troops from Chad so that the Chadian people themselves, without intermediaries, can find the way to put an end to that fratricidal war and finally be able to dry the tears that have been shed for so many years.

But, despite the progress made here and there in the struggle of the African peoples for economic emancipation, our continent continues to reflect the essential reality of the contradictions between the big Powers and to be oppressed by the unbearable scourges of today's world.

That is why we cannot accept and must unreservedly condemn the treatment of the people of Western Sahara by the Kingdom of Morocco, which has been using delaying tactics to postpone the day of reckoning that will in any event be forced upon it by the will of the Saharan people.

I have visited the regions liberated by the Saharan people, and I have come to believe more firmly than ever that nothing will stop its progress towards the total liberation of its country under the militant and enlightened leadership of the Frente POLISARIO.

I do not wish to dwell too long on the question of Mayotte and the islands of the Malagasy archipelago; since the facts are clear and the principles obvious, there is no need to dwell on them. Mayotte belongs to the Comoros; the islands of the archipelago belong to Madagascar.

With regard to Latin America, we welcome the initiative of the Contadora Group as a positive step in the search for a just solution to the explosive situation in the region. Commander Daniel Ortega, speaking here [16th meeting] on behalf of the revolutionary people of Nicaragua, made concrete proposals and posed some basic, direct questions.

We hope to see peace in his country and throughout Central America on and after 15 October; this is what world public opinion calls for. Just as we condemned the foreign aggression against the island of Grenada, so we condemn all foreign intervention. Thus, we cannot remain silent about the foreign military intervention in Afghanistan.

And yet there is one point that is so serious that each of us must give a very open and clear explanation of it. That question, as members can imagine, is that of South Africa.

The unbelievable insolence of that country with respect to all nations of the world—even those that support the terrorism which it has erected into a State system designed physically to liquidate the black majority of that country—and the contempt that it has shown for all our resolutions constitute one of the most serious and overwhelming concerns of the world today.

But the most tragic factor is not that South Africa has outlawed itself from the international community because of its apartheid laws, not even that it continues to occupy Namibia illegally and keep it under its colonialist and racist boot or that it continues with impunity to subject its neighbours to the laws of banditry.

No, what is the most abject and the most humiliating for the human conscience is that it has made this tragedy a matter of everyday reality for millions of human beings, who have only their own body and the heroism or their bare hands to defend themselves.

Sure of the complicity of the big Powers and the active support of certain among them, as well as of the criminal collaboration of some pathetic African leaders, the white minority simply ignores the feelings of all those people, everywhere in the world, who find the savage methods of that country to be absolutely intolerable.

There was a time when international brigades went to defend the honour of nations that suffered aggression. Today, despite the agonizing open wounds that are suffered, all we do is vote for resolutions that do nothing more than call on a nation of pirates, which "destroys a smile as hail kills flowers", to mend its ways.

We shall soon be celebrating the one-hundred- and-fiftieth anniversary of the emancipation of slaves in the British Empire. My delegation supports the proposal of Antigua and Barbuda for the commemoration of that event, which is of very great importance to African countries and the black world.

For us, all that can be said throughout the world during the commemorative ceremonies must emphasize the terrible cost paid by Africa and the black world in the development of civilization.

Nothing was given us in return, which no doubt explains the tragedy on our continent today. It is our blood that nourished the rise of capitalism, that made possible our present condition of dependence and consolidated our underdevelopment.

But we cannot hide the truth any more; it cannot be ignored. The figures cannot be simply haggled away. For every black man who came to the plantations, five died or were crippled. And here I do not mention the disorganization of the continent and its consequences.

While the entire world, thanks to you, Mr. President, with the help of the Secretary-General, will be commemorating that anniversary and noting this truth, it will understand why we long for peace among nations and why we demand our right to development with absolute equality through the organization and distribution of human resources.

It is because we belong to one of the races that has suffered the most that we in Burkina Faso have sworn that we shall never accept any splitting up of our country or any denial of justice. It is the memory of that suffering that causes us to stand side by side with the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] against the armed bands of Israel.

It is the memory of that suffering which, on the one hand, causes us to support the African National Congress of South Africa [ANC] and the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and, on the other, makes absolutely intolerable the presence in South Africa of men who say they are white and feel entitled on that account to set the whole world on fire.

It is that memory of suffering that makes us put all our faith in the United Nations, with the common responsibility, the common task and the common hopes of us all.

We demand that throughout the world the campaign to free Nelson Mandela be intensified so that his presence here at the next session of the General Assembly will be a victory of collective pride.

In memory of our suffering and as a collective pardon, an international humanitarian prize should be given for all those who have contributed to the defence of human rights through their work and research.

We call for cutting all budgets for space research by one ten-thousandth and devoting that amount to research in the field of health and to improving the human environment which has been disrupted by those "fireworks" which are harmful to the ecosystem.

We also propose that the structures of the United Nations be reviewed and revised so that an end may be put to the scandal of the right of veto. The perverse effects of its abuse have, of course, been offset by the vigilance of some States that possess the veto right. However, nothing can justify that right—neither the size of the country nor its wealth.

If the argument used to justify that inequity has been the cost paid during the Second World War, then those nations that have arrogated those rights to themselves should know that each of us has an uncle or a father who—like thousands of other innocent people recruited from the third world to defend the rights that had been flouted by the Hitlerite hordes— also suffered and died from Nazi bullets.

Therefore, let those major Powers, which miss no opportunity to question the right of peoples, not be so arrogant. The absence of Africa from the club of those that have the right of veto is an injustice which must be ended.

Lastly, my delegation would be failing in its duty if it did not call for the suspension of Israel and the pure and simple exclusion of South Africa from the United Nations.

When, in the course of time, those countries have done what they must do to justify their presence in the international community, then we would be only too happy to welcome them here and to guide their first steps.

We should like to reconfirm our confidence in the United Nations. We are grateful for the work which its agencies have done in Burkina Faso and for their presence side by side with us in the difficult times in which we are living.

We are grateful to the members of the Security Council for having allowed us twice this year to preside over the work of the Council. We only hope the Council will recognize the principle of the struggle against the extermination of 30 million human beings each year through hunger, which today is more devastating than nuclear weapons.

Our confidence and faith in the United Nations leads me to thank the Secretary-General for his visit, which we greatly appreciated; he came to see for himself the harsh reality of our life and to get a true picture of the aridity or the Sahel and the tragedy of desertification.

I cannot conclude without paying a tribute to the President of the General Assembly, who, with his great intelligence and perception, will guide the work of this thirty-ninth session.

I have travelled many thousands of kilometres to be here. I have come to ask each member to work together to put an end to the contempt of those who are unreasonable, to eliminate the tragic spectacle of children dying of hunger, to do away with ignorance, to ensure the triumph of the legitimate rebellion of peoples and to put an end to the use of weapons so that they can be laid down and fall silent, and to ensure that mankind will survive and that together, with the great poet Novalis we can all sing together:

"Soon the stars will come back to the Earth where they have long been gone; soon the sun will return, the star will shine again among the stars, all the races of the world will gather together again after a long separation, the old orphaned families will find one another again and every day there will be new discoveries, more people will embrace one another; then the inhabitants of the old days will come back to the Earth, the ashes will be relit in each tomb, the flame of life will bum again, the old houses will be rebuilt, the old times will come again and history will be the dream of the present extended to infinity."

Down with international reaction! Down with imperialism! Down with neo-colonialism! Down with "puppetism"!

Eternal glory to the peoples who are struggling for their freedom! Eternal glory to the peoples who stand shoulder to shoulder to defend their dignity! Eternal victory to the peoples of Africa, Latin America and Asia in their struggle!

Fatherland or death: we shall triumph.

I don’t doubt the potential of The Nubian Princesses, because I had a clear vision of it even before it became a reality. When it comes to fear, I don’t let it stop me. Instead, I choose to lean into it.

The Shock and The Inspiration

I started The Nubian Princesses after an experience with a four-year-old girl that left a lasting impression on me.

One afternoon, we visited a newborn—a mixed-race baby—and that four-year-old little girl expressed a strong desire to have the same skin colour and the same hair as the baby. Despite my reassurances that she was beautiful as she was, I could sense her disappointment.

It troubled me that such a young child would feel this way. Later that day, I couldn’t shake the incident. A voice inside kept asking what I was going to do about it. At first, I resisted, knowing this would be a big undertaking.

I had just graduated from university, moved to London, and was trying to establish my career as a journalist. I didn’t have the money or the readiness to take on something so significant. But the thought wouldn’t leave me.

I’ve always been passionate about Africa, the condition of its people, and the well-being of the next generation. I realised I had to do something. That moment inspired me to design a line of African Princess dolls with the goal of inspiring, educating, and empowering young girls, helping them see their beauty and worth just as they are.

I believe it’s essential to start early in building a strong sense of self, and through this, we can raise future African generations with pride, dignity, and balance. The Nubian Princesses was born from this mission to let every child know they are enough, just as they are.

More Than A Toy Business

I have designed a set of four African Princess dolls, each representing a different corner of Africa. In the next five years, my goal is to launch all four princesses, each accompanied by a unique storyline that highlights her cultural background and personal adventures.

These stories are crucial, as they add an educational element, teaching children about the rich diversity and heritage of Africa.

In the next ten years, I envision The Nubian Princesses becoming a globally established and renowned brand. By then, I hope we will have expanded beyond dolls to include books, educational materials, and multimedia content that continue to inspire and educate.

Additionally, we plan to venture into building schools that align with our educational ethos. These schools will not only focus on traditional academic subjects but also emphasise cultural education, self-esteem, and leadership skills.

Our aim is to create a lasting impact, fostering a generation of children who are confident, knowledgeable, and proud of their heritage.

By integrating education into every aspect of our brand, we aspire to be more than just a toy company—we aim to be a catalyst for positive change and empowerment.

Looking Back and Ahead

When I first started, I had only one product, which took seven years to develop from conception to production. Our first princess is Kiraa, from West Africa, whose name means the way or the journey.

Now, the business has grown significantly. We have four products, and have launched the storybook for our next princess—Sigi, from Southern Africa. We’ll be introducing the Sigi doll next, as I’m developing each product one at a time.

I can see the range continually expanding, and I’m excited about the progress we’ve made. I’m not sure I had specific expectations when I first started. I was simply thrilled to have brought my vision to life and fulfilled the promise I made, even sooner than I had planned.

Initially, it was all about the joy of creation, but the reality of running a business quickly set in. I soon realised I needed to understand and manage every aspect of it. It’s been a steep learning curve, and I’m still learning every day. There have been challenges along the way.

For example, in the early days, I had to seek permission from the royal name cabinet office to use the word Princess before I could trademark The Nubian Princesses, which they granted.

Despite the hurdles, the growth and development of my business have been incredibly rewarding, and I’m optimistic about its future.

The Wisdom of Patience

I don’t doubt the potential of The Nubian Princesses, because I had a clear vision of it even before it became a reality. When it comes to fear, I don’t let it stop me. Instead, I choose to lean into it.

One of the biggest lessons I’ve learned is the importance of patience. Anyone who knows me understands that patience is something I’ve had to develop over time.

Running a business has taught me that things often take longer than expected and that perseverance is key.

Another significant learning experience has been understanding the value of finding the right people to work with.

There are many individuals and businesses out there who will make promises, but finding reliable and trustworthy partners is challenging.

It’s crucial to surround yourself with people who are not only skilled but also share your vision and values. Learning from other business owners and their experiences has been invaluable in navigating these challenges.

So, is there anything I could compromise on about my business? Well, I can say this for sure: I will never compromise on the core values and mission of The Nubian Princesses:

Our primary goal is to help girls understand and embrace their true selves. We are deeply committed to fostering a sense of self-determination and empowerment in the new generation of African girls.

It’s essential to remove any feelings of alienation and awaken the curiosity and strength that already exist within them. Our passion lies in ensuring that every product and initiative we undertake aligns with this mission.

We aim to inspire, educate, and uplift, helping young girls develop a strong, positive sense of identity and self-worth. This commitment is non-negotiable and remains at the heart of everything we do.

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Doubt and Fear

Now, what is it that sets us apart from others in the industry? First, each of our princesses is designed to be representative of the region she comes from, ensuring authenticity in her appearance and cultural background.

Secondly, each princess takes on different aspects of important themes through her adventures, focusing on subjects such as education, self-confidence, and empowerment.

But our vision goes beyond just creating African Princess dolls. We prioritise education and cultural representation, offering something unique that isn’t widely available.

Yes, each doll comes with a rich storyline and educational content aimed at inspiring and empowering young girls. This blend of play, learning, and cultural pride is what sets us apart.

Our mission isn’t just to provide toys, but to foster a deeper understanding and appreciation of diverse cultures, making The Nubian Princesses truly unique in the industry.

So, how do I deal with fear and doubt? Certainly, I don’t doubt the potential of The Nubian Princesses, because I had a clear vision of it even before it became a reality.

When it comes to fear, I don’t let it stop me. Instead, I choose to lean into it, understanding that facing my fears head-on leads to growth and ultimately, freedom.

Embracing fear as a part of the journey has been essential, as it helps me push boundaries and achieve what I once thought impossible.

Elon Musk might muse that it’s easier to send rockets to the Moon and Mars than to deploy his high-speed internet service across the continent—right here on Earth.

Over the telephone, the head of DR Congo’s telecommunications agency, Christian Katenge, appeared to be in a hurry and had little time for us. His straightforward and business-like manner was reflected in the concise answers he provided to our questions.

“We will listen to their proposals and understand their current and future plans,” Katenge told the African Gazette regarding Starlink. “Then we will authorise their operations, provided they comply with our regulations, ensure equipment homologation, authorise resellers, and obtain the necessary licences.”

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When confronted about the perception of being a control freak, Katenge did not shy away. “Yes, it’s about control,” he said, “but it’s also about showing respect for an entire country, the Democratic Republic of Congo.”

From Cape to Casablanca, Starlink’s fortunes in its attempt to conquer the African market have been rather diverse—hard to pin down to one common factor. However, the regulatory hurdles it faces in the DRC illustrate a wider trend, as we shall discuss. But first, what exactly is Starlink?

Internet From Low Earth Orbit

At the heart of Starlink is a network of satellites woven across the night sky, hovering above the atmosphere of our planet, mapping its curvature meticulously, leaving no point of the compass uncovered.

With his own space company, SpaceX, and that reusable Falcon 9 rocket launcher, along with a mind busy with plans for terraforming Mars someday, placing that vast network of satellites in orbit has been little more than an added thrill for Elon Musk.

Now, what’s just one small source of dopamine for the tech entrepreneur may prove to have consequential impacts across the world; Starlink comes with the revolutionary promise of reinventing high-speed Internet.

“It will be useful in that it will provide Internet in areas not covered by GSM networks, with all the benefits it brings for communication in rural areas,” Christian Katenge admits, even as his country is cautious about embracing it.

There are several reasons why the company may give you pause. As one former NASA physicist warned, the Starlink system poses a risk to life on Earth, with its potential to jeopardise the planet’s magnetic field, the very shield that protects us from deadly solar radiation.

This is more than mere tech scepticism; the issue of space debris has long been a concern, and the need to clean up low Earth orbit—just above the atmosphere—is a pressing topic in scientific circles.

But low Earth orbit pollution is not the reason Starlink has encountered obstacles on the continent, though the company seems on track to clear the hurdles up in its path.

“You’ve become so successful and you’re investing in various countries; I want you to come home and invest here.”
—Cyril Ramaphosa, to Elon Musk

Come Home, Elon

Elon Musk is not one to dwell on his origins. Some Africans who point out online that the world’s richest man was born in South Africa have occasionally fallen victim to vicious internet trolls, who offer unsolicited advice, suggesting that Africans should learn to stand on their own rather than whistle at Musk for attention and aid.

Well, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa was certainly not whistling for mere crumbs when he recently picked up the phone to speak with Elon Musk.

“You’ve become so successful and you’re investing in various countries; I want you to come home and invest here,” Ramaphosa reportedly told Musk, adding that they would have further discussions.

Was this the president sucking up to the billionaire? Not at all; Ramaphosa was seeking to resolve a rather strange paradox. How?

Starlink has now become operational in almost all the countries surrounding Musk’s native South Africa; countries like Zambia, Eswatini, Malawi.

Zimbabwe—after initial tough talk warning against any illegal operations within its borders—has now become the 14th African country to welcome the company. However, conditions in South Africa have kept Starlink at bay.

Of course, there are the usual regulatory requirements, but under South African legislation, Starlink must demonstrate local Black ownership of up to 30 percent.

This reflects the authorities’ desire to remedy historical inequalities stemming from the legacy of apartheid.

Elon Musk, however, is a champion of merit and has publicly opposed Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives and Affirmative Action.

If Starlink is to operate in South Africa, it will require an extraordinary business arrangement or a compromise on Musk’s part.

But if you will believe President Ramaphosa, discussions are underway for the native son to come home and invest.

Elsewhere across the continent, where there is no apartheid legacy to address, the hurdles facing Starlink are of a different nature.

National Security

“The concerns of the telecom agency are not clearly understood,” DR Congo’s consumer advocate John Aluku tells the African Gazette. “For Starlink, it simply needs to establish itself as a Congolese commercial company.”

“[...] The regulator cannot act as an obstacle since it will not allocate satellite frequencies to Starlink, which already has them.”

The lawyer barely contains his irritation as he dismisses the authorities’ caution as unwarranted.

“The regulator is responsible for implementing effective measures for the development of telecommunications in the DRC; it should not hinder its own objective.”

As far as Aluku is concerned, the internet is essential for the information society, and opening the door to Starlink would solve many problems.

The inadequacy of basic telecommunications infrastructure has delayed DRC’s transition to digital; and Starlink services will enhance connectivity for the Congolese population, especially those in rural and remote areas.

John Aluku is willing to make a strong case for why the country needs Starlink, but Christian Katenge—ever pragmatic—insists on his one talking point: without a title, one is not permitted to operate a telecommunications service in the DRC.

It’s an understatement. The DRC is a country brimming with natural resources, including precious minerals such as cobalt, and Silicon Valley needs the Congo to fuel its growth.

However, due to its wealth, the country has known little peace since gaining independence from Belgium.

One thorn in the side of Congolese officials is the M23 rebellion, allegedly backed by foreign countries. The DRC is at war.

Under these circumstances, officials have reason to be strict in exerting control over any telecommunications services within the country’s borders.

Of course, that’s convenient for internet censorship when the streets are in turmoil. But there’s more that officials are concerned about:

Without strict control, allowing a foreign entity like Starlink to operate could pose security risks, such as enabling espionage or cyberattacks.

News of the recent anti-immigration riots across the UK and the alleged role of Elon Musk’s X in enabling those riots adds to the anxiety in Kinshasa.

Call them control freaks, but the DRC is a traumatised country, much more vulnerable to tech abuse than the United Kingdom.

As it were, it would be simplistic to dismiss Kinshasa's attitude toward Starlink as solely driven by a desire to control information and suppress free speech.

No, the Democratic Republic of Congo has legitimate concerns over digital sovereignty and national security.

Across the continent in West Africa, where insecurity in the Sahel is a regional headache, similar national security concerns are keeping Starlink out.

The satellite service has been blocked for approval in Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Senegal, and Mali.

Authorities across the Sahel worry that terrorist organisations may use the service to better coordinate their attacks on civilians and military targets, worsening an already bloody situation.

In contrast to the Sahel and the DRC, Starlink has been operational in neighbouring Rwanda since February 2023.

And also next door in Burundi, a presidential decree signed in May 2024 grants a licence for the company to bring its service into the country.

As it stands, Starlink has not run into hurdles everywhere, but the company has seen enough that Elon Musk might be musing that it’s easier to send rockets to the Moon and Mars than to deploy his high-speed internet service across the continent, right here on Earth.

The global economic order born of World War II is in active turmoil, and in the new scramble of world powers to reposition themselves, Africa—which is yet to recover from the consequences of the historic Berlin Conference—finds itself again in harm’s ways.

From the supply of weapons and intelligence for proxy wars (as with Ukraine’s recent involvement in that butchery against soldiers in Mali) to the incitement of inter-ethnic strifes, Africa seems dangerously unprepared for the looming storm.

How bad could it all be? And is there anything at all within the power of Africans that could defuse what could be a nightmare in the making?

If anything, it is dangerous for the continent to be so rich as to excite the greed of everybody, and yet lack absolute control of its own agenda.

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Africa, as the focus of intense geo-strategic interests, faces chaos that predators are keen to exploit.

It is becoming a battleground for hybrid wars driven by fierce competition among powers vying to control its vast natural and strategic resources—often with little regard for state sovereignty.

In this new landscape of confrontation, regions such as Libya, the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Mozambique have turned into theatres of geopolitical rivalry.

This trend is likely to extend across the continent, particularly affecting the Gulf of Guinea and Central Africa.

Recent events in Cameroon, Ethiopia, and Sudan have underscored the critical importance of controlling Africa’s strategic resources and their implications for the continent's security.

These asymmetric conflicts pose a threat to the very existence of Africans and their nations.

The strategy of terror

The application of the Roman principle of divide and rule represents Africa's worst nightmare.

It has fostered communities that unleash religious fundamentalism, narrow nationalism, extremism, and foreign-sponsored separatism—all aimed at seizing resources for the benefit of predatory interests.

This divide and rule strategy, the domination of Africa through terror, is increasingly evident.

In East and Central Africa, asymmetric conflicts are undermining the stability of countries such as Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic, and Cameroon.

In West Africa, terrorists are wreaking havoc in the Sahel and the Gulf of Guinea, while North Africa is threatened by terrorism in Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt—all compounded by tensions between Algeria and Morocco.

But does it stop there? Unfortunately, no.

Southern Africa, while experiencing relative economic and political stability, is disrupted by the insurgents in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique.

And then, maritime piracy in the Gulf of Aden and the Gulf of Guinea increases the uncertainties facing the continent, which lacks adequate defences.

In this context, Ukraine’s recent involvement in the Sahel warrants particular attention.

Proxy Warfare

Analysts and journalists often view the Ukraine development with a degree of levity or complacency, framing it as a new frontline in the struggle between the West and Russia in Africa.

Through the statements by some of its officials—its ambassador to Senegal, Pyvovarov Yurii, and its intelligence agency spokesperson, Andrei Loussov—Ukraine officially acknowledged its role in the terrorist attack.

And what’s clear is this attack, from 25 to 27 July 2024, was directed against Malian armed forces, and was facilitated by Tuareg separatists and jihadists in the Tinzaouatène region of Mali.

This Ukrainian action raises questions about the motives behind it, given that Ukraine lacks the intel capabilities, financial means, and logistical resources to assist terrorists directly.

It raises questions about the sponsorship of Al-Qaeda and ISIS in Africa. Is this a paradigm shift or a new strategy aimed at destabilising Africa, potentially opening a new avenue of confrontation between the West and Russia?

Certainly, this situation requires a transformation in political mindset and intelligent leadership among African leaders.

If African nations wish to guard against further Ukrainian-style interventions, they should follow the lead of Mali and Niger in severing diplomatic ties with Ukraine.

More important, they must wake up to the necessity of facing global challenges in a united front.

The Strength of Unity

“Building Africa in a world of geopolitical and geo-strategic rivalry requires African nations to seriously consider strong continental and federal institutions to address common security and geo-development challenges in a context of multiple crises.”

The structure of Africa's micro-states is economically unviable, militarily ineffective, diplomatically negligible, and politically detrimental.

A new governance model is urgently needed to reinvent a politically united Africa that is economically independent and strategically sovereign, redefining its relationships with the world.

There can be no African army without a clear pan-African identity, and no pan-Africanism without a shared commitment to strategic sovereignty.

The coexistence of national autonomies and continental strategic sovereignty, regulated by a federal state, is essential for achieving Africa's strategic and geopolitical autonomy.

Building Africa in a world of geopolitical and geo-strategic rivalry requires African nations to seriously consider strong continental and federal institutions to address common security and geo-development challenges in a context of multiple crises.

This is the mission of African leaders; if they fail to rise to the occasion, the continent’s youth and the new generation of military officers will take on this responsibility with determination and courage.

Youthful Asset

Africa's youth are carriers of innovation and change; they embody the aspirations of African peoples for better governance based on sovereignty, independence, morality, ethics, and economic effectiveness.

It is essential to rejuvenate public institutions and renew the political class. This renewal should reflect Victor Hugo's vision of "reversing the scale of values to replace immorality with morality, dishonesty with integrity, and treachery with patriotism."

As Denis Sassou N’Guesso of Congo recently stated in a message to the nation, "Youth is the equation of our times and the intangible key to the solutions for the future."

Thus, it falls to young leaders to undertake the mission of building Africa, driven by a patriotic ambition.

To achieve this, they must develop strategic and military skills, alongside intelligent leadership, through high-level patriotic, civic, and pan-African training. This will be the price of transforming African governance.

About the author

Dr. Paul Kananura is a Senior International Expert in Public Policy, Governance, Geopolitics and Strategic Security at the Paris-based Institut Afrika. You could email the institute here.

It is a militant organisation which is not like most of the tribal warring factions that have plagued Central Africa for decades. And that is because of what they are fighting for. So, what’s there to know about it?

Well, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) operates mainly in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and western Uganda. It lacks the global notorious reputation of the Lord's Resistance Army, but it is almost as old.

As it were, the organisation was formed in the late 1990s, the result of a fusion between several Ugandan rebel factions.

In fact, it can be traced back to the Ugandan civil war of the 1980s; the leaders of the ADF are veterans of that civil war.

But away from its beginnings in the 1980s, the Allied Democratic Forces are today a far different beast.

An Islamist Organisation

Over the years, the ADF has gone under a change, and along with it, its ideology has evolved. Today, it is generally considered to be an Islamist organisation. Why?

It has claimed affiliation with the Islamic State, adopting some of its tactics and rhetoric. More important, the stated goals of the ADF include the establishment of an Islamic state in the region straddling the DRC-Uganda border.

It certainly vows to overthrow the Ugandan government, a response to perceived discrimination against Muslims in Uganda.

No wonder it has been designated a terrorist organisation by the United States and the United Nations.

In its stated Jihad, the ADF has been responsible for many attacks on civilians, government forces, and UN peacekeepers in both Uganda and the DRC.

These attacks have included massacres, kidnappings, and the use of improvised explosive devices.

Defeating the organisation became a matter of national survival for Uganda and the DRC. And it has now been nearly three years since the two countries decided to take the fight to the ADF.

Operation Shujaa

“The joint forces have restored peace to numerous villages, enabling internally displaced persons (IDPs) to return home. Access to farmlands, previously restricted due to ADF attacks and kidnappings, has been reopened.”

In the wake of the Pandemic, the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) and the Congolese National Forces (FARDC) teamed up to launch a joint military effort against the ADF—Operation Shujaa.

The primary goal, obviously, has been to eliminate the militant group. But three years later, what result do they have to show?

Well, since the operation's inception, the UPDF has reported the successful rescue of over 100 captives, marking a significant milestone in their efforts.

Among those rescued are children under the age of five, born to civilian mothers from the DRC who had been taken captive by ADF fighters and forced into marriages with ADF commanders.

In January of this year, the UPDF rescued a group of 22 young men, women, and children from the dense forests of the Ituri province.

After their rescue, they were brought to Uganda for rehabilitation, where they underwent training in various life skills. Last month, these individuals were returned to the Congolese government to be reintegrated into their families.

According to UPDF spokesperson Brig. Gen. Felix Kulaijye, Operation Shujaa has achieved several other successes in liberating areas formerly under ADF control.

The joint forces have restored peace to numerous villages, enabling internally displaced persons (IDPs) to return home. Access to farmlands, previously restricted due to ADF attacks and kidnappings, has been reopened.

Schools have resumed operations, allowing children to continue their education, and prayer centres that had closed due to the conflict are now functioning again.

Despite these successes, the ADF remains a formidable threat, continuing to inflict violence on Congolese civilians.

Operational Roadblocks

“When we see the Ugandan Army, we clap for them. But when we see MONUSCO, we throw stones at them, unless the [Ugandans] leaves under the cover of darkness, citizens will block the roads to prevent their departure.”
—Kasereka Antoni, a Congolese local

Recent reports indicate that ADF attacks have resulted in hundreds of casualties, particularly in villages near Beni and Oicha towns.

Residents have expressed increasing fear as the group becomes more lethal, with each attack resulting in significant loss of life. The ADF has also been known to disguise themselves as local Mai Mai fighters, complicating efforts to distinguish them from other groups.

The UPDF has confirmed these attacks but notes that they occur in areas where they are not currently authorised to operate.

Brig. Gen. Kulaijye has emphasised the necessity of expanding their operational bases to better counter ADF attacks in these regions.

However, such expansion is contingent on the recommendations of the heads of State.

Despite possible frictions, many Congolese residents, particularly in Beni, believe that the UPDF should not withdraw until the ADF is fully eradicated.

One resident explained that while the United Nations Stabilization Force (MONUSCO) has been present for many years without achieving lasting peace, the arrival of Ugandan troops has significantly reduced ADF attacks and restored relative calm to the region.

For instance, the main road from Beni to the Ugandan border at Kasindi/Mpondwe, once notorious for ADF ambushes, has been secured, allowing business to resume.

"When we see the Ugandan Army, we clap for them," Kasereka Antoni, a local, told the African Gazette. "But when we see MONUSCO, we throw stones at them, unless the UPDF leaves under the cover of darkness; otherwise, citizens will block the roads to prevent their departure."

Formidable Foe

While Operation Shujaa has had its successes, it has also faced challenges. On several occasions, ADF fighters have crossed the operational line into Uganda, carrying out deadly attacks.

The UPDF reports that most of these groups have been neutralised, with many commanders and fighters killed inside the DRC.

For example, a commander known as Njovu, who led an attack on Uganda, was captured last year after some of his fighters were killed.

Njovu, who is accused of orchestrating an attack on tourists in Queen Elizabeth National Park, is currently detained in Kampala and is being prosecuted.

Other attacks attributed to the ADF occurred in Uganda, particularly in districts bordering the DRC, resulting in dozens of deaths.

The UPDF has noted that the ADF has splintered into smaller groups of four to five fighters who evade the battlefield to attack vulnerable areas. These attacks are believed to be attempts to divert attention from Operation Shujaa.

Although the Operation Shujaa has been ongoing on for nearly three years, there is still no clear deadline for its conclusion. But officials are clear that it has been worth the efforts.

In July, While receiving 22 former ADF captives who had undergone life skills training and rehabilitation in Uganda, FARDC’s Col. Desire Chibi Chabere said that the rescue of civilians are among the major successes of the joint operation.

He reaffirmed the commitment of the two countries to continue the fight until the ADF is defeated, and until peace is fully restored in Ituri. 

However, there have been accusations that some Congolese Army officers have collaborated with the ADF, providing them with ammunition and operational information. In response, some officers have been recalled to Kinshasa for questioning.

Additionally, the ADF is said to have close working relationships with different Mai Mai local ethnic vigilante groups, under the command of various warlords, who reportedly fight alongside the ADF.

Operation Shujaa can sure boast of its successes, but poor ethics and discipline in the rank and file has been a crack in its armour, and that needs to be addressed firmly, going forwards.

Even now I don’t sleep. I am traumatised by what happened to me. I couldn’t breathe in the Sarkozy [truck …] I am haunted by it.

—Former Koro Toro detainee

The Trip That Never Was

The presidential election in Chad on 6 May 2024 could have led to a second round a month later. But it turned out to be an easy victory for Mahamat Idriss Déby.

With slightly more than 60% of the votes, the incumbent president delivered a decisive win over the main opposition leader, his Prime Minister Succès Masra.

A second round was unnecessary, allowing Déby, who had been serving as the temporary head of state since his father’s death in April 2021, to begin a full term of his own.

In keeping with a long tradition in French-speaking Africa, where newly-elected presidents often take an official trip to Paris, Mahamat Idriss Déby scheduled a visit.

He was expected to be the official guest of French President Emmanuel Macron on 15 July 2024—right after France's National Day. Then, Déby canceled his trip.

But why?

Details are sparse, but it appears Mahamat Idriss Déby was the target of an ongoing investigation. Speculation suggests he had spent close to a million euros on bespoke clothing at a high-end Paris tailor’s.

Obviously, potential mismanagement of public funds is a serious issue for a country like Chad.

According to the World Bank, Chad is one of the world’s poorest nations, with more than a third of the population living in extreme poverty. Such extravagant spending would understandably raise eyebrows.

However, according to a new report by Human Rights Watch, there’s something more troubling about Chad than the lavish spending of its president.

Chad might have slid back into something reminiscent of the brutal years under former president Hissène Habré.

Worse Than Hell

Under normal circumstances, the mention of Koro Toro would conjure associations with the anthropological significance of this harsh settlement, located in the Djurab desert about 600 km from the capital, N'Djamena. Koro Toro is the site of the 1995 discovery of Australopithecus bahrelghazali, a fossil hominin.

However, anthropology was not the reason why Koro Toro came to the attention of the New York-based organisation, Human Rights Watch.

The place is notable for hosting a notorious maximum-security desert prison, known for its perfect isolation. Fans of Alexandre Dumas may picture a Château d'If, surrounded not by water but by dry and dusty sand.

This prison is used by the Chadian government to detain captured fighters of Boko Haram and Chadian rebel groups. The country’s opposition often refers to it as a penal colony.

And penal colony may indeed be a fitting description, as Human Rights Watch researchers have found evidence suggesting the place is "worse than hell."

In a report released today, Human Rights Watch documents serious abuse suffered by protesters during their transfer from N’Djamena to Koro Toro, and subsequently within the notorious prison itself.

But how, in the first place, did these poor protesters end up in this God-forsaken place? Well, here’s the account of the HRW researchers, based on direct testimony:

On 20 October 2022, thousands of people took to the streets of N’Djamena, and several other towns across the country’s south, to protest the extension of the transition period by two years.

The “hereditary” transfer of power from the slain father to the son had initially been met by protests, demanding civilian democratic rule.

The police, the army, and gendarmes systematically responded by targeting opposition parties during those early protests.

But as HRW tells us, the violence used against protestors on 20 October 2022, was unprecedented.

“Security forces fired live ammunition at protesters, killing and injuring scores, beat people, chased them into homes, and detained them,” HWR says in its report.

That day, authorities didn’t just seek to crack down on the protesters. Many arrests were made, and the following day, security forces crammed detainees into open air trucks at a military base, and later transported them to the infamous desert prison. So, what happened there?

Insomnia

At Koro Toro, detainees accused of participating in the 20 October 2022 protests were held in violation of the law, denied due process, and subjected to very limited judicial oversight.

—HRW, Worse Than Hell report

“Even now I don’t sleep,” an ex-detainee tells Human Rights Watch. “I am traumatised by what happened to me. I couldn’t breathe in the Sarkozy [truck] ... I am haunted by it.”

These are words of profound sadness, heavy with an unattended sense of injustice. Yet, this is the testimony of a lucky one. Many of those bundled into the trunks never went back.

At least four people failed to make it through the transit to the prison, as Human Rights Watch documented. Six others later died in detention. And relatives were not officially informed of these deaths.

In fact, some received news of the tragedies through informal channels. And all of them are deprived of closure, as the remains of their loved ones have never been released for burial.

“Everything I saw at Koro Toro was terrible,” another ex-detainee testifies. “I was pardoned, but for what? What did I do wrong?”

Yes, everything about Koro Toro is intended to elicit despair. Of course, there’s this distance that makes for no possible visit of family members. But down to the very nicknames of the two prisons, which are part of the complex, Koro Toro is meant for breaking the human spirit.

Koro Toro Habré and Koro Toro Déby—the respective designations of the buildings—are named after the previous warlords, Hissène Habré and Idris Déby Itno, who ruled the country through recurrent spates of political violence.

Just like those infamous death and torture chambers under Habre’s regime, Koro Toro locks in many suspects who do not even know exactly why they are there.

“At Koro Toro, detainees accused of participating in the 20 October 2022 protests were held in violation of the law,” HRW says in its report. “They [were] denied due process, and subjected to very limited judicial oversight.”

Clearly, this is a situation that calls for redress. Yet, it seems that judicial remedy for the victims will be hard to obtain.

On 23 November 2023, the transitional government passed a law providing a general amnesty, making it impossible to prosecute security forces involved in the violent repression. So, would this be how it inexorably end for the survivors of Koro Toro? Maybe, not.

The Habré Precedent

For nearly a decade, from 1982 to 1990, former Chadian president Hissène Habré was a powerful man, unfazed by international condemnations of the widespread human rights abuses—including torture, extrajudicial killings, and crimes against humanity—that took place under his watch.

After his overthrow in 1990, Habré fled to Senegal. For over 25 years, victims and human rights organisations campaigned to bring him to justice. It seemed that Habré would never be held accountable for his misdeeds.

On 30 May 2016 however, Habré was finally brought to account by a special court in Dakar. His life sentence would be confirmed a year later.

This precedent suggests that all hope is not lost for the former detainees of Koro Toro.

Aware that persistent advocacy and international pressure could lead to justice, Human Rights Watch has a clear and modest request for the relevant UN special rapporteurs:

They should visit Chad to examine the cases of torture and deaths in custody, including those outlined in Worse Than Hell. Then, they should make public any account of such a visit.

This may lead to a repeal of that blanket amnesty law. This certainly should be more worrying to President Mahamat Idriss Déby than the speculations about his lavish spending on clothing in Paris.

Controversy

It has been one uneasy summer for Paris—in fact for all of France. An electoral blues marked by an unprecedented breakthrough of the far-right at the polls slowly gave way to the greatest games on Earth.

But Paris 2024 seemed bound to be a bit of a rock-and-roll. First, there was that fatal accident—the brutal death of a construction worker from Mali, Amara Dioumassy.

Amara’s drop to his demise a year ago at a building site cast a long shadow over the games, prompting calls for better safety standards.

His tragedy was still fresh when it was pushed to the sidelines by a fresher controversy, involving yet another French national with a connection to Mali.

This time, death was not involved. It was rather about glory and whether the glory was going to a place where it was deserved.

And the personality at the heart of that controversy was none other than the global pop sensation Aya Nakamura.

Hands-down, Nakamura is France's most-streamed musician. She boasts, for her entire music catalog, a whopping 6 billion streams.

Yet, when it was announced earlier this year that Aya would perform at the opening ceremony of the Olympics, the decision was met with a wave of criticism from far-right commentators.

La Farce

These critics argued that Nakamura, despite her popularity and success, was too trash to be representative enough of France, and therefore shouldn’t perform at such a prestigious event.

The mention of her name prompted boos at a campaign rally for the Reconquête Party led by far-right figure Éric Zemmour.

A small extremist group called the Natives hung a banner by the River Seine with a derogatory message directed at her.

As the Olympics drew closer and closer, there seemed to be no clear resolution as to whether the Natives and Zemmour would have the final word in the controversy.

And as though tragedy and blatant racism weren’t enough to mar the spirit of the games known for celebrating diversity and for bringing humanity together, arsonists found a way to bypass the Olympics security apparatus, bringing Paris’s railway system to a halt.

Too many incidents. But D-Day came at last. And when the curtains were lowered on the opening ceremony, one British newspaper delivered an unflattering verdict.

La Farce, it exclaimed, having decided that the rain—the uninvited guest at Paris 2024—was literally the proverbial last drop.

Of course, the story would be incomplete without the star of the day—one Aya Nakamura who shone forth and came to the rescue of what could be rescued.

Golden Performance

Rira bien qui rira le dernier, they say in French. For Aya Nakumura, this very French axiom took a whole new meaning, as she turned the stage golden at the kickoff of Paris 2024.

Dressed in a gold Dior couture minidress adorned with feathers, she performed a mashup of her hit songs Pookie and Djadja, flanked on both sides by dancers and a live band from France's Republican Guard.

It was the culmination of a ceremony, directed by Thomas Jolly—a prodigy of France’s theatre. It featured a parade of athletes from 206 national Olympic committees traveling along the Seine, passing iconic Parisian landmarks like Notre Dame and the Eiffel Tower.

Quite simply, it was a show. And Nakamura stole it with a performance that was not just a musical triumph. It was also a powerful cultural statement.

Her presence on this stage—on the top of the world—was very unlikely. It was not meant to be. In the face of that far-right backlash, it was a fitting tribute to the diversity of a France not frozen in the past.

Fans and supporters praised the performance on social media, hailing it as incredible and dubbing her the Queen of France.

Certainly, this was yet another milestone for Aya—a defining moment in her career and the most powerful rebuttal to those who doubted her rightful title as a diva of French culture.

Aya’s revenge over her critics was of one olympic proportion. And as one fan pointedly noted, her ultimate nose-thumb at the far-right would be the spectacle of the Republican Guards hedging her along her way onto the big stage.

Aya Nakamura held her country up and high. She gave us something to remember of Paris 2024—something other than tragedy, racism, arson, and intrusive downpours.

The Labour Party's victory in the UK general election on 4 July 2024 signals the possible end of the controversial Rwanda deportation plan for asylum seekers. And here are the key implications:

1. Labour has pledged to scrap the Rwanda scheme entirely if they come to power. This means the plan to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda for processing will likely be abandoned.

2. No asylum seeker deportation flights to Rwanda have taken place yet, and none are expected to occur before the new Labour government takes office.

3. The Rwanda plan faced significant legal challenges, with the UK Supreme Court previously ruling it unlawful. Labour's victory removes the political will to continue pursuing this policy.

4. Labour has proposed alternative migration policies, including better border controls and increased cooperation with France to tackle people smuggling networks.

5. However, some migrant rights advocates caution that Labour may still pursue restrictive migration policies or consider agreements with other countries for asylum processing.

6. Both Labour and Conservatives have committed to reducing overall net migration, but through different approaches.

7. The change in government is welcomed by asylum seekers like Faheem, who fled Afghanistan, and who feared being sent to Rwanda under the Conservative plan.

Of course, we’ll have to wait until the government makes an official statement on the issue.

But from what we know, based on the various standing positions, Labour's victory likely marks the end of the Rwanda deportation scheme.

But the Labour Party is in for its own possible immigration controversies, as it still faces pressure to address migration issues through alternative policies.